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1    1915 


mmigration 

Some  New  Phases  of  the  Problem 


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Immigration 

Some  New  Phases  of  the  Problem 


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Immigration — 

Some  New  Phases  of  the  Problem 


A  series  of  addresses  delivered  before  the  International 

Immigration    Congress    at  the  Civic  Auditorium,   San 

Francisco,  Cal.,  August  9,  10,  11,  1915 

Edited  hy 

Frank  B.  Lenz 

it 

Immigration  Secretary  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion, San  Francisco,  Cal.  August,  1915 


Published  by 

The  American  Sociological  Society  and 

The  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  Federal  Council 

of  Churches  in  America 


uf 


Committees 

International  Immigration  Congress 


Under  Joint   Direction 

American  Sociological  Society,  Prof.  E.  A.  Ross,  President, 
Madison,  Wis.,  and  Sub-Committee  of  One  Hundred,  Federal 
Council  of  Churches  in  America;  Charles  W.  Blanpied, 
Chairman,  124  East  Twenty-Eighth  Street,  New  York  City. 

Local  Committee  on  Arrangements 

Chairman,  Prof.  Ira  W.  Howerth,  University  of  Cali- 
fornia, Berkeley 

Executive  Secretary,  Frank  B.  Lenz,  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  San 
Francisco 

Rev.   Charles   F.   Aked,    San   Francisco 

Dr.  H.  P.  Guy,  Berkeley 

Robert  Newton  Lynch,  San  Francisco 

Rabbi  Martin  A.  Meyer,  San  Francisco 

Paul  Scharrenberg,  San  Francisco 

Prof.  M.  F.  Wildman,  Stanford 

Prof.  Edw.  Elliott,   Berkeley 

Bishop  E.  H.  Hughes,,  San  Francisco 

John  H.  McCallum,  San  Francisco 

Prof.  Jessica  B.  Peixotto,  Berkeley 

Rev.  Paul  Smith,  San  Francisco 

Hon.  J.  Stitt  Wilson,  Berkeley 

Advisory  Committee 

Dr.  Danna-W.  Bartlett,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Prof.  E.  S.  Bogardus,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Dr.   F.   D.   Bovard,   Philadelphia 

Pres.  C.  J.  Bushnell,  Forest  Grove,  Ore. 

Sen.  Walter  S.  Davis,  Tacoma,  Wash. 

Pres.  Wm.  T.  Foster,  Portland,  Ore. 

Mrs.  F.  A.  Gibson,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

John  A.  Goodell,  Portland,  Ore. 

Dr.    Sidney   L.   Gulick,   New  York,   N.   Y. 

Dr.  Prescott  F.  Hall,  Boston,  Mass. 

Kiyo  Sue  Inui,  San  Francipco,  Cal 

Prof.  Jeremiah  W.  Jenks,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Chancellor    David    Starr    Jordan,    Stanford    University. 

Prof.  Shailer  Matthc-ws,  Chicago 

Bishop  Francis  T.  McCoimell,  Denver 

Dr.  Henry  J.  McCoy,  San  Francisco 

Prof.  Theresa  S.  McMahon,  Seattle,  Wash. 

Dr.  Ng.  Poon  Chew,  San  Francisco 

Dr.  Peter  Roberts,  New  York 

Hon.  Chester  H.  Rowell,  Fresno,  Cal. 

Swan   Samson,   Tacoma,   Wash. 

Rev.  Wm.  G.  Shriver,  New  York 

Prof.  Edward  A.  Steiner,  Grinnell,  Iowa 

Rev.  Robert  Walker,  San  Francisco 

Hon.  A.  J.  Wallace,  Los  Angeles 

Hon.  Harris  Weinstock,  San  Francisco 

Pres.  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler,  Berkeley 


Forward 


The  immigration  question  is  so  closely 
associated  with  our  problems  of  industry, 
education,  economics  and  religion  that  we 
scarcely  know  where  to  begin  in  seeking  a  so- 
lution. Many  books  have  been  written  on 
the  subject,  many  conventions  have  been 
held,  many  investigations  have  been  made 
but  nothing  has  been  accomplished  in  the 
way  of  a  constructive  domestic  program. 
The  immigration  laws  of  the  various  states 
are  in  no  way  co-ordinated.  The  federal 
government's  interest  in  the  immigrant 
ceases  when  he  leaves  the  port  of  entry.  Very 
little  human  interest  is  being  shown  toward 
him. 

In  the  following  addresses  a  plea  is  made 
for  open  mindedness  and  justice  toward  all 
immigrants.  Charges  which  are  untrue 
have  so  often  been  brought  against  the  for- 
eigner that  there  is  a  great  deal  of  misin- 
formation concerning  him.  The  spirit  in 
the  West  toward  him  is  often  found  to  be 
unjust  and  unamerican.  It  is  our  sincere 
hope  that  this  pamphlet  may  clear  the  atmos- 
phere on  some  of  the  problems  of  immigra- 
tion and  lead  to  clear,  unprejudiced  thinking 
on  the  subject. 

F.  B.  L. 


312805 


Table  of  Contents 

Page 

The  Immigration   Problem  1 

By  Prof.  Ira  B.  Cross,  University  of  California 

The  Immigrant  Woman  , 9 

By  Mr.s.  Kate  Waller  Barrett,  M.  D.  D.  Sc.,   U.  S.  Immigration 
Service 

Hebrew  Immigration  14 

By  Rabbi  Martin  A.  Meyer,  Temple  Emanu-El  San  Francisco 

Land  and  Labor  and  Immigration  : 16 

By  James  W.  Muller,  Editor  "Labor  Clarion' 

Manufacturers  and  Immigration  on  the  Pacific  Coast  20 

By  Robert  Newton  Lynch,    Vice  President  and  Manager  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  San  Francisco 

Japanese  Immigration — Remaining  Problems  and  Suggested  Remedies 24 

By  Prof.  H.  A.  Millis,  University  of  Kansas 

Japanese  Education  in  America  40 

By  K.  S.  Inui,  Secretary  Japan  Society  of  America 

Chinese  Immigration  50 

By  Kee  Orvyang,  Former  Consul  at  San  Francisco 

The  Pacific  Coast  and  the  Panama  Canal  53 

By  Sen.  Walter  S.  Davis,  Tacoma,  Wash. 

After  the  War— What?  56 

By  Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Chancellor,  Stanford  University 

The  State  and  the  Immigrant  61 

By    Simon    J.    Lubin,    President   Immigration    and    Housing    Com- 
mission of  California 

The  Work  of  the  California  State  Commission  of  Immigration  and  Housing...68 
By  Ceo.  L.  Bell,  Attorney  and  Executive  Officer 

The  Literacy  Test 7  7 

By  Hon.  William  Kent,  Member  of  House  of  Repreesntatives  from 
California 

Report  of  Committee  on  Resolutions  ...  ....79 


^ 

—  A"^  c—tr 

The  Immigration  Problem 


7ra  5.  Cross,  Ph.D.,  Assistant  Professor  of  Economics,  University 

of  California. 

An  American  author  gives  us  the  following  prose-poem  in  which  he 
aptly  describes  the  immigration  situation  in  the  United  States : 

I  am  the  immigrant. 

Since  the  dawn  of  creation  my  restless  feet  have  beaten  new  paths  across 

the  earth. 

My  uneasy  bark  has  tossed  on  all  seas. 
My  wanderlust  was  born  of  the  craving  for  more  liberty  and  a  better  wage 

for  the  sweat  of  my  face. 
I  looked  toward  the  United  States  with  eager  eyes  kindled  by  the  fire  of 

ambition,  and  heart  quickened  with  new  born  hope. 
I  approached  its  gates  with  great  expectation. 
I  entered  in  with  fine  hope. 

have  shouldered  my  burden  as  the  American  man-of-all-work. 
contribute  eighty-five  per  cent  of  all  the  labor  in  the  slaughtering  and  meat 

packing  industries. 

do  seven-tenths  of  the  bituminous  coal  mining, 
do  seven-eighths  of  all  the  work  in  the  woolen  mills, 
contribute  nine-tenths  of  all  the  labor  in  the  cotton  mills, 
make  nineteen-twentieths  of  all  the  clothing, 
manufacture  more  than  half  the  shoes, 
build  four-fifths  of  all  the  furniture, 
make  half  of  the  collars,  cuffs  and  shirts, 
turn  out  four-fifths  of  all  the  leather, 
make  half  the  gloves. 

'    refine  nearly  nineteen-twentieths  of  the  sugar. 
I  make  half  of  the  tobacco  and  cigars. 
And  yet  I  am  the  great  American  Problem. 

When  I  pour  out  my  blood  on  "your  altar  of  labor,  and  lay  down  my  life  as  a 
sacrifice  to  your  God  of  Toil,  men  make  no  more  comment  than  at  the 
fall  of  a  sparrow. 

My  children  shall  be  your  children,  and  your  land  shall  be  my  land,  because 
my  sweat  and  my  blood  will  cement  the  foundations  of  the  America  of 
Tomorrow. 

If  I  can  be  fused  into  the  body  politic,  the  melting  pot  will  have  stood  the 
supreme  test. 

Immigration,  then,  is  a  great  American  problem,  not  the  great 
American  problem,  but  one  of  several  problems  pressing  for  solution 
at  the  present  time.  Its  influence  is  felt  by  every  phase  of  our  social. 
economic,  political  and  religious  life. 

It  is  no  new  problem.  We  have  been  face  to  face  with  it  since  the 
earliest  days  of  the  colonial  era.  During  the  intervening  years  we  have 
had  recurring  agitations  against  the  influx  of  the  so-called  "undesirable 


races" — at  one  time  resulting  in  the  formation  of  a  fairly  powerful  and 
active  national  political  organization.  The  American  Party,  with  its 
slogan  of  "America  for  the  Americans" — at  other  times  culminating 
merely  in  "Immigration  Congresses"  or  "Immigration  Conventions." 
where  papers  have  been  read  and  various  matters  discussed,  but  where 
nothing  substantial  or  of  lasting  value  has  been  accomplished. 

All  things  considered,  it  is  doubtful  if  the  immigration  situation 
today  is  any  more  critical  in  its  nature,  if  as  critical,  than  it  has  been  in 
the  past,  yet  restrictionists  would  have  us  believe  that  unless  the  influx 
of  "ignorant  and  poverty  stricken  hordes"  is  checked,  the  nation  is 
inevitably  doomed.  It  has  always  been  thus.  Propagandists  who  are 
desirous  of  a  change,  no  matter  in  \vhat  field  they  are  interested,  are 
always  addicted  to  a  policy  of  exaggeration.  A  calm,  truthful  and 
unvarnished  statement  makes  but  a  slight  impression  upon  the  pub- 
lic mind. 

The  longer  one  studies  the  immigration  problem,  the  more  one  is 
surprised  to  find  that  when  considered  from  an  historical  standpoint, 
there  is  but  a  single  argument  used  in  these  later  years  which  was  not 
used  earlier  in  the  agitations  against  the  immigrant,  and  that  is  that 
<>ur  immigrants,  now  coming  from  the  Mediterranean  countries  rather  If" 
than  from  the  North  European  States,  are  less  desirable  in  every  regard 
lian  were  the  North  Europeans.  In  every  other  connection,  however, 
the  arguments  employed  today  are  the  very  same  as  were  used  by  our 
ancestors  decades  ago.  We  have  been  told  that  immigrants  reduce 
wages,  degrade  the  lot  of  American  workers,  lengthen  the  hours  of 
labor,  retain  their  love  for  their  fatherland,  have  their  national  societies  £ 
and  refuse  to  abandon  their  national  customs  and  manners ;  do  not 
assimilate ;  cannot  be  welded  into  a  homogenous  American  people. 
They  have  had  no  training  in  democratic  institutions,  having  come  from 
those  countries  which  are  ruled  by  kings  and  queens,  and  such  things. 
and  hence  they  are  bound  to  be  a  menace  to  our  political  institutions ; 
that  they  congregate  in  our  cities  and  give  us  our  slums,  and  our  insane, 
criminal  and  pauper  classes ;  that  they  are  in  league  with  the  Pope  and 
are  desirous  of  turning  the  United  States  over  to  him,  body  and  soul ; 
that  they  are  illiterate,  and  so  on  ad  infinitum,  through  a  long  list  of 
arguments  with  which  all  of  you  are  thoroughly  acquainted,  and  which 
are  supposed  to  prove  conclusively  the  necessity  of  restricting,  or  pos- 
sibly, of  completely  checking  the  immigration  of  the  "undesirable 
races/'  These  arguments  were  used  against  the  North  Europeans  in 
the  early  days,  in  fact  down  to  as  late  as  the  last  decade  of  the  last 
century.  But  now  that  the  North  European  races  do  not  come  to  us 
in  such  large  numbers,  owing  to  the  great  economic  development  of 
the  countries  represented,  we  have  merely  transferred  our  attacks  from 
them  to  the  South  European  races,  and  find  that  the  old  arguments  are 


still  useable.  We  now  consider  the  North  European  races  to  be  the  best 
immigrants  that  w,e  ever  had,  and  undoubtedly  feel  that  if  they  were 
again  coming  to  us  in  large  numbers,  we  would  offer  no  objections 
to  them. 

Memory  is  a  fickle  thing ;  it  has  always  been  so,  but  in  no  connec- 
tion is  it  more  dangerous  than  when  relied  upon  in  the  discussion  of 
economics  and  social  problems.  We  think  and  talk  of  "the  good  old 
days"  of  fifty  or  a  hundred  years  ago,  or  even  farther  back  than  that 
in  our  history,  and  almost  universally  we  do  not  have  one  spark  of 
evidence,  one  tiny  thread  of  fact,  upon  which  to  base  our  contention 
or  our  idea. 

V  When  we  get  down  to  "brass  tacks"  and 'carefully  examine  our  ex- 
perience with  the  North  Europeans  we  find  some  interesting  matters. 
First,  as  regards  assimilation.  We  all  know  that  the  Englishman  is 
one  of  the  most  difficult  individuals  to  assimilate.  He  clings  to  his 
citizenship,  to  his  mannerisms,  and  to  his  country's  customs  most  per- 
sistently. The  present  European  war  has  enabled  us  to  learn  that  we 
have  not  as  yet  thoroughly  assimilated  the  hyphenated  North  European, 
especially  the  Germans,  long  considered  one  of  our  most  desirable 
classes  of  immigrants.  In  the  matter  of  crime  and  also  of  pauperism, 
the  Irish  give  us  our  most  serious  problem.  In  criminality  the  Irish 
are  followed  by  the  Germans,  although  in  major  offenses  the  Germans 
take  first  rank.  In  this  state  the  Germans  are  exceeded  only  by  the 
Mexicans  in  the  number  of  convicts  in  our  two  state  prisons.  We  also  *• 
know  that  the  North  Europeans  settled  in  one  part  of  the  town,  and 
had  their  national  societies,  just  as  do  our  South  European  races  today. 
I  was  born  in  a  town  which  had  a  large  German  population,  and  I 
well  remember  how  our  neighborhood  felt  about  the  German  Turner 
Societies,  the  clannishness  of  the  German  race,  and  other  similar  things. 
I  spent  about  ten  years  of  my  life  in  another  town  predominantly 
Scandinavian,  and  here  again  I  noted  the  feeling  of  opposition  and 
antagonism  evidenced  towards  these  races.  In  the  factory  where  [ 
worked,  it  was  they  who  were  accused  of  having  made  it  possible  by 
their  cheap  labor  for  the  employer  to  reduce  wages  to  a  considerable 
extent.  Here  in  California,  we  are  now  told  that  the  Chinese  were  the  : 
best  farm  laborers  that  we  ever  had,  and  even  the  trade-unionists,  who 
were  primarily  responsible  for  their  exclusion,  now  declare  that  the 
Chinese  were  far  superior  to  the  Japanese  and  Hindus  of  later  years. 

In  passing,  may  I  state  that  I  attack  no  race,  nor  do  I  praise  any 
race  of  immigrants.  I  make  no  plea  for  unrestricted  immigration,  nor 
for  a  policy  of  restriction.  I  am  merely  attempting  to  lay  certain  mat- 
ters before  you  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  necessity  of  a  saner 
point  of  view  in  connection  with  the  discussion  of  the  immigration 
problem. 

3 


From  any  point  of  view,  then,  we  can  say  that  it  is  ever  a  case  of 
the  current  immigration  being  undesirable,  while  the  older  immigra- 
tion, which  comes  no  more,  is  ever  desirable. 

It  is  time,  therefore,  that  we  were  learning  that  after  all,  our  oppo- 
:ion  to  immigration  is  for  the  most  part  a  matter  of  racial  prejudice. 
'e  attack  any  race,  no  matter  which  one  it  happens  to  be,  that  comes 

us  in  any  great  numbers.  As  a  people  we  shall'  never  be  able  to 
>mk  our  prejudices ;  we  shall  always  have  some  sort  of  an  immigration 
problem  \vith  us. 

Prejudice  cares  naught  for  facts.  It  shapes  its  arguments  regard- 
less of  them.  One  of  the  most  interesting  instances  of  this  arises  in 
connection  with  the  oft  repeated  argument  that  our  earlier  immigrants 
settled  upon  our  free  lands,  and  consequently  were  not  a  menace  to 
our  institutions.  The  desirable  lands  now  being  gone,  our  later  immi- 
grants congregate  in  cities,  enter  our  manufacturing  industries,  and  as 
a  consequence  bring  us  serious  social  and  economic  problems. 

Taking  the  United  States  census  of  1870  as  being  late  enough  to 
have  permitted  the  earlier  immigration  to  have  asserted  its  tendencies, 
Prof.  Page  of  the  University  of  West  Virginia  shows  us  some  interest- 
ing facts.  Among  the  farming  population  21  per  cent  were  Scandina- 
vians, 12  per  cent  wrere  British,  13  per  cent  were  Germans,  7  per  cent 
were  Irish,  and  23  per  cent  were  natives.  Among  those  engaged  in 
•personal  service  and  in  the  professions,  12  per  cent  were  Scandinavians. 
8  per  cent  were  British,  11  per  cent  were  Germans,  24  per  cent  were 
Irish,  and  only  8  per  cent  were  natives.  In  trade  and  transportation, 
there  were  twice  as  many  Irish  and  twice  as  many  Germans  as  natives, 
while  in  manufacturing,  almost  9  per  cent  were  Scandinavians,  23  per 
cent  were  British,  19  per  cent  were  Germans,  14  per  cent  were  Irish, 
and  only  7  per  cent  were  natives.  In  1870,  56  per  cent  of  all  steel  and 
iron  mill  employes  were  immigrants.  Seven-tenths  of  the  employes  of 
the  Cambria  Steel  Company  at  Johnston,  Pa.,  were  Welsh.  The  desire 
v  of  the  immigrants  to  settle  upon  the  land  was  not  so  strongly  evidenced 
in  those  early  days  as  many  have  been  led  to  believe  was  the  case.  The 
tendency  then  as  now  was  to  enter  manufacturing,  trade,  transportation, 
personal  service,  and  the  professions. 

We  have  also  been  told  that  we  are  getting  a  horde  of  immigrants 
who  cannot  speak  the  English  language.  Prof.  Ripley  of  Harvard 
tells  us  that  "for  the  entire  colonies  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  we 
have  it  on  good  authority  that  one-fifth  of  the  population  could  not 
speak  English,  and  that  one-half  at  least  was  not  Anglo-Saxon  by  de- 
scent." Jn^l910,  only  fifteen  per  cent  of  our  total  foreign-born  popula- 
tion could  not  speak  English,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  in  these  later 
years  most  of  our  immigration  has  come  from  non-English  speaking 
countries. 


.  Other  instances  could  be  cited  to  show  that  much  of  our  opposition 
to  the  immigrant  is  not  based  on  facts.  It  is  based  on  racial  prejudice, 
on  selfishness.  In  every  race  there  is  a  desire  to  monopolize  things. 
Most  people  are  inherently  selfish.  It  is  but  natural  for  us  to  want  to 
keep  the  good  things  of  life,  the  jobs,  the  land,  the  natural  resources 
of  the  nation,  for  our  own  people.  Yet  all  of  us  are  immigrants,  or 
descendants  of  immigrants — a  fact  which  practically  all  of  us  overlook. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  is  it  not  justifiable  for  a  people  to  be 
selfish,  to  look  out  for  its  own  welfare  even  at  the  expense  of  other 
races,  and  even  though  it  be  accused  of  evidencing  racial  prejudice? 
All  of  us  are  acquainted  with  the  oft  met  person  who  delves  in  public 
gardens,  as  it  were,  and  neglects  his  own  household.  Today  we  are 
seeing  altogether  too  much  of  that  spirit  being  shown  on  all  hands 
and  in  all  connections.  It  is  incumbent  upon  a  nation  to  so  arrange 
its  affairs  as  to  bring  the  greatest  degree  of  comfort  and  wrelfare  to 
its  citizens.  It  is  incumbent  upon  a  race  to  protect  itself  against  the 
encroachments  of  other  races.  If  it  does  not  do  so,  who  will?  Whence 
will  protection  come  if  not  from  the  race  itself?  A  community  pro- 
tects itself  against  undesirable  citizens  in  many  ways.  A  social  group 
or  lodge  of  any  kind  does  not  admit  all  persons  to  its  ranks,  ^p?  a  Jif 
people,  a  nation,  finds  that  certain  immigrant  races,  or  certain  qualities 
in  individual  members  of  various  races,  are  detrimental  to  its  welfare, 
it  has  the  undoubted  right  to  restrict  such  immigration,  and  it  should 
do  so  in  so  far  as  international  treaties  and  relations  with  other  conn- 
tries  permit.~7 

The  United  States  has  long  been  considered  the  asylum  for  the 
economic,  reilgious  and  politically  oppressed  of  all  the  world.  Many 
have  come  to  think  that  this  country  was  especially  created  for  that 
purpose.  Such  -was  not  the  case.  Each  group  of  early  colonists  was 
eager  to  keep  out  other  groups.  From  the  various  waves  of  immigra- 
tion that  have  swept  over  our  country,  we  have  developed  a  conglom- 
erate race  called  the  American  people.  Although  our  ancestors  were 
immigrants,  we  as  their  descendants  must  conserve  the  welfare  of  the 
nation  of  our  own  race,  even  though  it  becomes  necessary  for  us  seri- 
ously to  restrict  immigration  or  to  check  it  completely. 

.^Restriction,  however,  should  come  only  after  we  are  certain,  beyond 
the  shadow  of  a  doubt,  that  immigration  has  become  harmful.  As  in 
the  early  days  our  Puritan  forefathers  blamed  Satan  for  all  things, 
from  plagues  and  failures  of  crops  to  the  stubbing  of  one's  toe,  so  in 
th%ese  later  years  we  have  become  accustomed  to  claim  that  all  of  our 
social,  economic,  political  and  religious  problems  are  due  to  the  presence 
of  the*  immigrant.  There  is  no  other  equally  important  economic  or 
social  question  in  connection  with  which  there  exists  such  a  mass  of 
misstatements,  poorly  analyzed  data,  baseless  accusations,  and  what  not. 


Even  our  greatest  authorities,  to  say  nothing  of  lesser  lights  and 'the 
members  of  various  government  and  church  commissions,  seem  to  lose 
their  capacity  to  reason  clearly  and  to  judge  fairly  when  considering 
this  question  of  immigration. 

One  noted  writer  tells  us  that  the  United  States  is  being  flooded 
with  a  degenerate  class.  "They  are  the  defective  and  delinquent  classes 
in  Europe,  the  individuals  who  have  not  been  able  to  keep  pace  at  home 
and  have  fallen  into  the  lower  strata  of  its  civilization."  Others  tell 
us  that  it  is  only  the  strong,  the  sturdy,  the  ambitious  who  migrate  to 
the  United  States.  Many  authors  declare  that  the  immigrant  reduces 
wages ;  others  state  that  he  has  not  reduced  wages,  but  that  his  pres- 
ence has  merely  tended  to  prevent  wages  from  rising  as  rapidly  as 
they  otherwise  would  have  done ;  while  still  others  inform  us  that  the 
immigrant  has  pushed  the  American  worker  out  of  the  lower  grades 
of  unskilled  labor  into  the  skilled  trades,  and  that  the  American  is  now 
engaged  in  those  trades  which  pay  the  highest  rates  of  wages.  Sweat- 
ing is  laid  at  the  door  of  the  immigrant,  yet  we  are  told  that  in  other 
countries,  where  there  is  no  or  but  little  immigration,  sweating  also 
exists.  The  immigrant  is  accused  of  corrupting  politics,  yet  in  many 
communities  where  the  immigrant  is  of  no  numerical  consequence,  we 
find  political  corruption  existing  in  a  most  flagrant  manner.  He  is 
also  accused  of  being  illiterate,  and  it  has  been  proposed  that  he  be 
excluded  by  means  of  a  literacy  test.  It  is  felt  by  some  that  the  ability 
to  read  and  write  separates  the  good  from  the  bad,  the  desirable  from 
the  undesirable.  Yet  we  know  from  our  own  experience  that  such  is 
not  the  case.  We  are  told  of  the  great  difficulties  which  are  met  with 
in  the  assimilation  of  these  later  immigrants.  But  we  forget  that  today 
we  have  many  agencies  of  assimilation  which  did  not  exist  in  the  earlier 
days.  The  very  fact  that  so  many  of  our  immigrants  are  in  our  cities 
make  it  such  that  Americanization  is  much  more  easily  possible  than 
would  otherwise  be  the  case.  The  school,  the  social  settlement,  the 
trade-union,  the  movies,  the  church,  the  playground,  all,  and  more,  are 
assisting  in  the  work  of  assimilation.  \Ye  can  assimilate  anything, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  the  Oriental  and  the  negro^,  $ 

The  worst  part  about  all  of  us  is  that  we  are  impatient.  J\\  c  want 
the    immigrant   to   become   Americanized,    assimilated,    within    a    few^v 
months,  or  at  best  within  a  few  years,  after  his  arrival  in  our  midst.]/ 
On  the  face  of  it,  such  a  thing  is  impossible.     The  best  that  we  can 
hope  for  is  that  the  first  generation,  the  immigrants  themselves,  will 
be  but  slightly  affected  by  Americanizing  influences.     It  is  the  second 
generation  which  will  respond  most  readily  to  our  efforts.     Yet  where 
serious  attempts  are  made  to  reach  the  first  generation,  even  there  we 
find  the  readiest  sort  of  response.     Note  the  work  now  being  done  in 
the  Ford  Automobile  Company  plant,  in  the  social  settlements,  in  the 


night  schools  and  elsewhere.  Immigrants  are  eager  for  training,  for 
what  we  can  give  them,  for  the  rudiments  of  an  elementary  education 
long  denied  them  in  their  own  country.  Let  us  make  it  possible  for 
them  to  get  such  things. 

And  so  on  through  a  long  list  of  accusation  and  replies.  We  truly 
need  some  modern  Moses  to  lead  us  out  of  this  wilderness  of  confusing 
statements,  misrepresentations  and  lies.  We  need  facts.  We  need  a 
correct  interpretation  of  the  facts  which  we  already  have  at  our  dis- 
posal. Much  remains  to  be  done  before  we  can  hope  for  a  solution, 
even  a  partial  solution,  of  the  immigration  problem.  By  all  means  let 
us  not  act  until  we  know  what  the  situation  really  is.  Let  us  have  facts 
as  a  basis  for  our  action. 

Finally,  we  must  realize  that  if  we  permit  immigrants  to  come  to 
us,  and  to  settle  in  our  midst,  we  must  of  necessity,  for  our  self-protec- 
tion, for  the  welfare  of  society,  and  for  the  individual  good  of  the 
immigrant,  do  something  to  make  his  assimilation,  his  co-operation  in 
our  American  life,  more  possible.     We  must  do  all  that  we  can  to 
assist  his  adjustment  to  New   World  conditions.  /We  must  make  a 
"conscious  effort  to  forge  the  people  in  this  country  into  an  American   * 
race  that  will  stand  together  for  America  in  times  of  peace  or  of  war.^y 
As  Francis  Kellor  has  well  said : 

"The  most  important  subject  before  the  American  national  govern- 
ment  today  is  the  adoption  of  a  domestic  immigration  policy,  with  ade- 
quate official  machinery  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Our  international  policy 
of  admission,  exclusion  and  deportation  needs  a  human,  constructive 
supplement  for  the  nationalization  of  those  admitted.  Such  a  domestic 
policy  comprises  seven  closely  related  fields  of  thought  and  activity 
which  should  be  welded  together,  each  one  now  lying  in  a  different 
sphere  of  administration,  and  so  ignored,  belittled  or  isolated  as  to  be 
of  small  value  in  the  Americanization  of  admitted  aliens.  These  in- 
clude : 

"1.  Direct,  expeditious  and  safe  distribution  of  admitted  aliens  to  des- 
tination, with  suitable  train,  terminal  and  transfer  facilities  and  municipal 
facilities  for  directing  immigrants  within  the  city. 

"2.  Security  of  employment  and  adequate,  co-ordinated,  regulated  labor 
market  organization  through  which  admitted  aliens  may  find  work,  with 
equal  opportunity  to  engage  in  occupations  by  which  they  may  earn  their 
living. 

"3.  Maintenance  of  American  standards  of  living,  by  removal  of  dis- 
criminations in  localities,  housing,  sanitation,  over-crowding,  rentals  and 
supplies. 

"4.  Opportunity  for  intelligent,  safe  investment  of  savings,  with  such 
information,  organization  and  legislation  as  will  accomplish  this,  including 
banking  institutions,  loan  funds,  agricultural  colonies  and  workingmen's 
home  projects. 


"5.  Reduction  of  illiteracy  and  advancement  of  knowledge  of  the  English 
language  and  civics,  extension  of  public  social  facilities  of  the  industrial 
training. 

"6.  Higher  and  more  simplified  standard  of  naturalization  requirements, 
uniform  state  naturalization  laws,  simplification  of  processes,  and  increase 
of  facilities  for  naturalization  and  for  co-ordination  of  educational  require- 
ments with  educational  facilities. 

"7.  National  cooperation  in  the  care  of  public  charges,  increased  facili- 
ties for  locating  deportable  persons,  and  better  co-ordination  of  state  and 
national  work." 

A  constructive  domestic  immigration  policy  is  indeed  sadly  needed. 
The  issue  is  not  "What  are  the  evils  of  immigration?"  but  rather 
"What  can  be  done  to  assist  in  making  the  work  of  the  Melting  Pot 
more  quickly  effective  ?"  The  government,  industry,  and  philanthropy 
have  as  yet  scarcely  scratched  the  surface  of  this  most  important  and 
fruitful  field  of  untold  possibilities.  I  regret  that  time  does  not  permit 
a  further  discussion  of  this  phase  of  the  question,  but  I  am  sure  that 
it  will  be  fully  dealt  with  by  others  during  the  sessions  of  this  Congress. 

Now  is  the  time  to  act.  Now  is  the  time  to  take  up  the  conditions 
of  the  nearly  thirteen  million  foreign-born  in  this  country,  and  to  for- 
mulate and  execute  measures  for  the  welfare  of  the  country.  For  the 
first  time  in  many  years  this  country  is  free  from  the  absorbing  de- 
mands made  by  the  entrance  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  immigrants 
yearly.  Now  is  the  time  to  establish  adequate  machinery  for  dealing 
intelligently  and  efficiently  with  increased  immigration  after  the  war. 

Unless  we  do  these  things,  the  Melting  Pot  will  not  have  stood  the 
supreme  test. 

In  conclusion  then  may  we  not  say  (1)  that  our  opposition  to  im- 
migration is  based  on  selfish  motives;  (2)  that  such  selfishness  may  or 
may  not  be  justified  by  circumstances;  (3)  that  there  is  nothing  to 
justify  the  oft  repeated  contention  that  America  must,  regardless  of 
circumstances,  remain  the  asylum,  the  dumping-ground  for  the  eco- 
nomic, social,  religious  and  political  oppressed  of  the  world;  (4)  that 
we  may  be  justified  in  restricting  or  in  completely  prohibiting  immigra- 
tion;  (5)  that  there  is  no  equally  important  field  of  economic,  social 
and  political  thought  in  which  there  is  such  a  confusion  of  ideas,  such 
a  great  need  of  facts  upon  which  to  base  one's  conclusions ;  and  finally 
that  we  as  American  citizens  owe  it  to  ourselves  and  to  the  immi- 
grant to  see  that  everything  is  done  for  the  purpose  of  making  his 
Americanization  rapid  and  complete.  Let  us  realize  that  the  immi- 
grant is  both  a  liability  and  an  asset.  /^ 

In  closing  may  I  say  that  I  make  no  plea  for  unrestricted  immi- 
gration, nor  do  I  hold  a  brief  for  the  restrictionists.  I  only  desire  to 
call  attention  to  the  necessity  of  sanity,  of  serious  thought,  of  well- 
balanced  reasoning  in  the  discussion  of  the  Immigration  Problem. 


The  Immigrant  Woman 


By  Mrs.  Kate   Waller  Barrett,  M.  D.  D.  Sc.,  Special  Agent   U.  S. 

Immigration  Service. 


The  consideration  of  the  subject  of  immigration  is  not  new.  Ever 
since  the  days  of  the  Athenian  Republic,  nations  have  had  the  subject 
to  deal  with  in  some  form. 

The  United  States  has  passed  through  several  stages  in  its  attitude 
on  the  subject.  In  early  Colonial  days  immigration  was  so  earnestly 
desired  that  enforced  immigration  was  resorted  to  and  unwilling  law 
breakers  were  deported  from  England  to  this  country  and  ship  loads  of 
slaves  were  brought  from  Africa.  Let  us  not  forget  that  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  problems  that  this  country  has  to  face  in  regard  to 
aliens  dates  from  this  latter  source. 

One  of  the  charges  made  against  King  George  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  that  he  interfered  with  immigration  and  yet  as 
early  as  1780,  Benjamin  Franklin  declared  that  unless  the  immigration 
from  the  continent  is  stopped  the  English  language  will  cease  to  be  the 
language  of  the  country.  Also  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  William  Penn 
showed  himself  to  be  an  able  forerunner  of  the  present  day  immi- 
gration agent  in  the  manner  in  which  he  advertised  the  advantages  of 
Pennsylvania,  we  find  that  at  that  early  day  others  were  deploring  the 
fact  that  those  who  were  coming  were  very  inferior  to  those  who  had 
come  with  the  first  ships.  It  is  remarkable  what  virtues  priority  seems 
to  give  in  the  eyes  of  many ! 

After  the  country  became  fairly  well  populated  there  was  a  period 
of  indifference  to  the  subject  and  it  was  only  in  1882  that  any  effort 
towards  regulating  immigration  was  undertaken  by  the  government. 

At  the  present  time  I  might  characterize  the  attitude  of  most  of  our 
citizens  as  one  of  questionings  if  not  of  hostility,  toward  unrestricted 
immigration. 

In  spite  of  the  attention  which  has  been  directed  to  the  subject  in 
the  past  ten  years  when  we  have  been  receiving  annually  over  one  mil- 
lion aliens,  most  legislation  has  been  abortive  and  unrelated  to  the 
crux  of  the  matter.  The  cause  of  this  confusion  in  legislative  enact- 
ment is  due  largely  to  the  fact  that  none  of  the  political  parties  and  no 
candidates  for  election  have  had  the  courage  to  define  their'  position 
upon  this  subject  for  fear  of  losing  the  naturalized  vote.  To  my  mind 
the  hyphenated  American  citizen  is  as  much  interested  in  a  sane  and  J 
intelligent  solution  of  this  question  as  the  native  born.  He  has  sought 
this  country  for  larger  social  or  economic  opportunities  and  frequently 
has  a  greater  appreciation  of  American  institutions  than  those  born 

9 


under  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  A  pertinent  question  for  every  native 
son  of  the  United  States  to  ask  himself,  especially  those  of  Colonial 
descent,  whose  fathers'  blood  made  possible  this  government  and  who 
with  bloodless  effort  availed  themselves  of  the  treasures  that  nature 
had  stored  up  in  geological  periods,  is:  If  I  had  not  been  born  to  this 
heritage  of  freedom  would  I  have  had  the  courage  to  claim  it?  Upon 
his  ability  to  answer  this  subject  in  the  affirmative  rests  their  position  as 
the  leaders  of  the  future  destinies  of  this  Republic ;  if  answered  in  the 
negative,  no  adventitious  circumstances,  no  pride  of  birth,  no  unjust 
laws  can  build  a  fortress  around  them  sufficient  to  protect  them  for 
long  against  the  onward  and  irresistable  march  of  progress.  I  never 
see  an  alien  woman  in  the  street,  in  her  peasant  costume,  with  the  look 
of  anxiety  and  often  fear  on  her  face  that  I  do  not  mentally  make 
obeisance  to  her,  for  I  question  if  I  would  have  had  the  bravery  to  do 
what  she  has  done. 

What  she  has  done,  it  did  not  matter  how  circumstance  pressed. 
And  so  we  pay,  one  way  or  another  for  all  that  we  have,  it  does  not 
matter  in  what  form  it  comes.  Now  that  Nature  has  been  tamed,  the 
only  way  that  we  can  hope  to  keep  alive  the  splendid  pioneer  spirit  of 
our  ancestors  is  to  stand  on  the  frontiers  of  moral  reform  and  to  be 
the  Adventurous  Bowman  for  civil,  economic  and  religious  liberty. 

Easy  living,  easy  dying  is  as  true  of  the  national  as  of  the  physical 
body. 

While  there  is  nothing  startingly  new  in  the  general  subject  of 
immigration  the  problem  of  the  unattached  alien  woman  is  new  in  its 
present  form. 

We  who  trace  our  ancestry  back  to  the  Colonial  days,  rather  resent 
having  our  attention  called  to  the  fact  that  large  numbers  of  women 
who  were  deported  from  Great  Britain  to  the  colonies  and  whose 
progeny  were  doubtless  absorbed  into  some  of  the  first  families  for 
eligible  females  were  rather  scarce  in  those  days.  A  picture  of  what 
the  inhumanity  of  man  caused  some  of  those  first  alien  women  to  suffer 
has  come  down  to  us  in  that  wonderful  classic  "Nanon  LeCaut."  If 
you  want  to  know  what  our  civilization  has  cost  alien  women,  read 
some  of  the  official  M.  M.  S.  preserved  in  the  Library  at  Paris,  of  the 
settlement  of  Louisiana.  A  young  friend  of  mine  went  to  Paris  t<> 
prepare  a  thesis  upon  the  settlement  of  Alabama  and  she  told  me  the 
horrors  that  were  revealed  to  her  in  those  musty  documents  were  un- 
believable. 

Let  us  not  forget  that  much  of  the  civilization  of  America  was 
built  upon  the  sufferings  of  alien  women  and  that  the  ties  which  bound 
together  the  thirteen  colonies  was  cemented  with  her  blood. 

But  it  is  with  the  alien  woman  of  today  that  I  have  to  deal. 

10 


The  movement  of  unattached  women  of  every  nationality  is  a  sig- 
nificant feature  of  the  clay.  It  is  an  unmistakable  sign  of  her  unrest 
and  dissatisfaction  of  the  old  order.  Even  our  own  daughters  prefer  oc- 
cupation far  from  their  home  in  the  majority  of  cases.  This  practice  on 
the  part  of  American  women  has  effected  European  women.  Form- 
erly men  of  the  family  came  first.  Now  it  is  not  at  all  unusual  to  find 
women  coming  first  and  sending  back  for  the  men  of  the  family.  Many 
have  said  to  me  that  American  women  do  not  have  to  have  a  home, 
Why  should  they?  A  boarding  house  answers  every  purpose. 

In  considering  the  alien  woman  it  is  safe  to  say  that  if  you  multiply 
the  injustices  which  alien  men  are  subjected  to  it  wrill  not  exaggerate^ 
her  plight.     All  that  he  suffers  she  suffers  also  and  added  to  it  the 
burden  incident  to  her  sex. 

If  the  injustice  is  economic  and  he  is  a  married  man,  the  woman 
must  stretch  the  family  purse  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  family 
and  if  any  member  must  go  without,  it  is  always  the  mother.  Is  it 
any  wonder  that  foreign  children  are  so  often  ashamed  of  their 
mothers  because  they  are  so  different  from  other  children's  mothers 
and  because  of  this,  drift  away  from  her  wholesome  influence.  If  we 
believe  that  in  a  well  ordered  American  home,  the  mother  should  be 
the  center,  is  it  not  time  we  took  some  forward  step  which  will  lead  to 
some  permanent  constructive  measures  that  will  dignify  the  alien 
mother  who  is  often  an  uncrowned  heroine.  Something  has  been  done 
at  Hull  House  by  establishing  a  museum  of  hand  industries  but  every 
locality  should  perfect  some  machinery  where  the  alien  mother  might 
have  just  recognition  without  having  to  wait  to  get  to  heaven  to 
receive  it. 

The  economic  injustice  to  which  the  self  supporting  alien  woman 
is  subjected,  is  well  known.  Usually  unskilled  and  incapable  of  initi- 
ative, there  are  practically  no  labor  unions  which  are  open  to  her  and 
she  has  practically  no  redress  from  greedy  employers.  Frequently  / 
I  have  had  in  my  charge  in  New  York,  girls  who  had  been  employed  in 
a  private  family  for  several  months  and  then  have  been  taken  out  on 
the  street  and  left,  in  order  that  they  might  not  be  forced  to  pay  them 
their  earnings.  Sometimes  it  has  taken  weeks  to  find  where  the  parties 
lived,  for  as  strange  as  it  may  seem,  these  girls  often  stay  for  months 
in  a  house  and  never  learn  the  name  of  a  street.  The  number  of  girls 
thus  cheated  must  be  enormous  for  their  fear  of  the  invisible  govern- 
ment often  make  them  afraid  to  make  complaints  and  it  is  only  the  few 
cases  that  fall  into  the  hands  of  some  philanthropic  organization  that 
are  ever  heard  of. 

Social  injustice  is  the  alien  woman's  reward  at  every  turn.  Even 
the  legislation  which  is  passed  to  protect  her  often  becomes  a  boomer- 
ang. The  Deportation  Acts  of  the  Federal  Department  of  Immigration  / 

11 


cover  the  punishment  of  those  who  contribute  to  her  delinquency  as 
much  as  to  punish  her.  In  spite  of  this  fact  and  although  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  heads  of  the  Department  have  always  been  with  the 
friendless  woman,  minor  officials  have  seen  in  this  law  an  opportunity 
to  magnify  their  importance  and  to  swell  the  amount  of  work  they 
have  accomplished,  have  been  indefatigable  in  arresting  women,  but 
"  strange  to  say  are  very  unsuccessful  in  finding  the  guilty  male  partner. 
A  well  merited  rebuke  was  administered  by  a  Federal  Judge  in  San 
Francisco  lately  when  he  declined  to  hold  the  woman  until  her  partner 
in  crime  was  also  arrested. 

Nothing  is  more  in  keeping  with  the  wishes  of  a  man  when  he  has 
gotten  a  woman  in  trouble  than  to  have  her  deported  and  thus  put  the 
ocean  between  them,  thus  ridding  him  of  his  incumbrance.  But  I  am 
glad  to  say  that  the  recent  order  of  the  Secretary  of  Labor  and  Com- 
^  missioner-General  Caminetti,  placing  all  women  held  for  deportation 
in  the  hands  of  a  woman  officer  and  in  the  custody  of  some  private 
society,  preferably  of  her  own  nationality  and  religion,  assures  every 
woman  of  having  friends  who  will  see  that  justice  is  done  her. 

The  difficulty  of  alien  women  getting  in  touch  with  the  best  class 
of  her  countrymen  is  another  source  of  social  injustice  and  often  sheer 
loneliness  and  the  desire  to  talk  to  some  one  who  speaks  her  own 
language  will  cause  her  to  seek  companionship  among  those,  who,  if 
other  avenues  were  open  to  her,  would  not  attract  her.  In  every  city 
there  are  groups  of  those  of  the  same  nationality,  segregated  into 
clubs,  with  different  objects,  all  giving  opportunities  for  social  com- 
panionship and  development,  but  these  organizations  are  all  for  men. 
I  know  of  none  such  for  women.  True,  there  are  National  organ- 
izations for  women  but  they  are  invariably  exclusive  and  the  woman 
who  needs  them  most  is  not  eligible  for  membership.  If  they  are  not 
exclusive  the  best  women  of  that  race  don't  go  to  them.  But  it  does 
not  matter  how  democratic  a  man's  club  may  be  you  will  find  the 
leading  citizens  of  that  nationality  in  the  city,  belonging  to  them. 

The  importance  of  reaching  the  alien  woman  is  paramount  if  we 
are  going  to  Americanize  our  foreign  population.  She  is  the  crux  of 
^  the  whole  subject.  It  is  she  who  selects  the  neighborhood  and  the 
house  in  which  the  family  live  and  the  church  -which  they  attend.  She 
has  the  opportunity  to  supplement  the  lessons  at  school  and  her  attitude 
towards  the  problems  of  daily  life  unconsciously  are  reflected  in  the 
other  members  of  the  family.  In  the  states  in  which  women  have  the 
ballot  she  will  be  sought  for  by  the  ward  politician  and  her  ideals  of 
the  ballot  will  reflect  the  attitude  of  her  teacher. 

As  some  practical  suggestions  as  to  the  means,  I  would  recommend 
that  every  state  pass  a  law  similar  to  the  California  law  whereby 
teachers  may  be  sent  into  the  home  to  instruct  the  mothers.  That 

12 


efforts  be  put  forth  by  the  men's  clubs  to  form  national  centers  to 
which  the  mother's  may  be  gathered  and  where  they  will  be  addressed 
in  their  own  language.  .That  our  national  holidays  be  set  aside  espec- 
ially for  the  education  in  American  ideals.  That  special  occasions  of 
joy  be  participated  in  on  the  national  holidays  of  that  nationality. 
That  we  educate  ourselves  in  the  contributions  that  each  nation  has 
made  to  our  literature  and  that  we  voice  our  appreciation  of  these 
contributions.  That  we  see  to  it  that  the  municipality  is  not  lax  in 
enforcing  the  health  laws  in  the  foreign  community  and  that  if  any 
part  of  the  municipality  must  suffer  at  the  hands  of  the  street  cleaning 
department  it  shall  be  other  than  the  foreign  district  where  frequently 
the  streets  and  alleys  are  often  the  only  playgrounds  or  parks.  Neigh- 
borliness  on  the  part  of  the  women  of  the  community  who  have  a 
recognized  standing  will  do  more  to  wipe  out  the  injustices  than  any 
other  one  thing.  When  the  exploiters  find  they  have  the  club  women 
of  the  community  to  deal  with  they  will  be  more  careful  or  at  least  more 
guarded  in  their  approach.  That  the  inferior  courts,  particularly  the 
police  courts  be  dignified  and  organized  upon  a  basis  that  will  command 
for  them  the  same  respect  as  the  Superior  Courts,  for  it  is  in  the  police 
courts  that  the  alien  usually  gets  his  introduction  to  the  legal  machin- 
ery of  this  country  and  his  first  impressions  are  the  most  lasting. 

That  in  each  locality  the  District  Attorney's  office  set  aside  a  par- 
ticular time,  putting  in  charge  one  of  his  most  efficient  assistants 
with  a  good  interpreter,  to  hear  the  complaints  of  alien  women.  That 
where  there  are  juvenile  courts,  special  probation  officers  are  detailed 
to  get  in  touch  with  the  foreign  districts  and  enlighten  the  mothers 
upon  the  scope  and  value  of  the  juvenile  court,  in  order  that  when 
necessary  she  can  use  the  court  unofficially.  In  this  way  the  arrest  of 
many  children  would  be  prevented  and  the  court  would  assist  in  up- 
holding parental  authority. 

Many  things  which  make  for  national  deterioration  are  laid  at  the 
door  of  the  alien  which  do  not  rightly  belong  there.  I  was  interested 
to  note  at  a  recent  disgusting  performance  I  attended  there  was  not 
apparently  a  foreigner  there.  The  audience  was  composed  of  well 
dressed  American  boys,  and  girls.  I  could  not  help  but  think  that 
if  such  a  performance  had  been  given  by  foreign  element  the  whole 
city  would  have  rung  with  the  cry  that  our  American  Institutions,  our 
American  Sunday  was  being  murdered  by  foreign  influence. 

The  above  suggestions  are  based  upon  the  belief  that  it  does  not 
matter  how  much  we  may  disagree  upon  the  policy  of  immigration,  that 
we  are  all  agreed  that  after  the  alien  has  been  admitted  into  this  country 
he  is  entitled  not  only  to  be  given  his  just  right  but  also  to  have  the 
best  opportunity  to  become  a  good  citizen. 

13 


Hebrew  Immigration 


B\  Rabbi  Martin  A.  Meyer,  Tew  pie  Emann-El,  San  Francisco. 

Since  1881,  the  volume  of  Hebrew  immigration  to  America  has 
taken  on  such  proportions  as  to  suggest  a  separate  and  particular 
problem.  There  has  been  a  steady  increase  so  that  up  to  and  including 
1910,  1,562,800  Jews  entered  our  ports.  This  great  number  came  for 
the  most  part  from  the  countries  of  eastern  and  south-eastern  Europe, 
i.  e.,  from  Russia,  Roumania,  Galicia  and  in  smaller  numbers  from 
Turkey,  both  European  and  Asiatic.  Though  there  is  a  certain  homo- 
geneity from  the  racial  point  of  view,  due  to  a  common  origion,  yet 
there  is  a  marked  diversity  of  racial  types  noted,  due  to  the  crossing  of 
the  Jew  with  the  people  of  the  respective  lands  in  which  he  dwells. 
And  these  newcomers,  again,  represent  a  different  type  from  those 
who  are  older  residents  in  this  land,  who  came  for  the  most  part  from 
northern  and  western  Europe. 

The  reasons  for  this  large  number  of  Jews  leaving  their  old  time 
abode  and  seeking  the  promise  of  the  new  land  are  not  difficult  to 
determine.  In  fact  the  same  motives  that  have  urged  immigrants 
since  the  inception  of  the  United  States  of  America  are  still  potent 
with  them.  Primarily,  they  come  to  avoid  the  religious  persecution,  the 
political  discrimination  and  the  legal  oppression  to  which  they  are 
subjected  in  these  lands  of  their  origin.  Added  to  this  is  the  universal 
fact,  amounting  to  a  law  of  human  nature,  that  a  man  seeks  the  op- 
portunity either  for  himself  or  his  family  to  earn  a  better  living. 
Most  of  these  countries  from  which  they  come  are  admittedly  poor ; 
and  when,  as  is  the  case  in  Roumania  and  Russia  and  Poland,  there 
is  an  economic  boycott  in  force  against  the  Jews,  the  cup  of  misery  is 
full  to  overflowing.  And  to  these  and  millions  like  them,  America 
is  the  promised  land. 

The  characteristics  of  this  group  are  marked  along  many  lines  of 
human  activity  and  thought.  Industrially,  the  Jewish  group  shows 
a  far  larger  percentage  of  skilled  and  professional  units  than  almost 
any  other  group.  They  come  as  permanent  residents.  They  acquire 
property  as  soon  as  they  are  financially  able,  and  there  is  a  marked 
tendency,  encouraged  by  the  leaders  of  American  Jewry,  for  them  to 
settle  on  the  soil.  Though  their  percentage  of  illiteracy  is  higher  than 
is  desirable,  yet  it  is  lower  than  that  of  almost  any  other  group  of  the 
new  immigration.  And  the  avidity  with  which  they  and  their  children 
take  to  our  public  schools  is  fine  proof  of  their  capacity  and  a  further 
indication  of  the  discrimination  against  them  in  the  old  country  even 
as  to  the  possibilities  of  receiving  an  education.  And  in  many  cases  be- 

14 


fore  Yiddish  was  recognized  as  a  European  language,  the  charge  of 
illiteracy  was  not  well  founded.  They  bring  with  them  the  living 
standards  of  the  lands  of  their  origin.  Centrifugal  forces  speedily 
overcome  the  initial  centripetal  ones ;  and  the  ghetto  is  left  behind  as 
quickly  as  economic  conditions  permit.  And  yet  withal,  it  is  noted  that 
the  living  standard  of  the  ghetto  is  superior  to  that  of  similar  city 
quarters  a  half  century  and  less  ago.  Crowding  is  due  to  economic 
pressure,  for  as  rapidly  as  income  increases  the  boarder  disappears. 
Sweating  was  not  of  their  creation,  but  their  elementary  economic 
position  has  been  kept  alive  largely  because  of  the  little  skill  and  small 
capital  required  and  by  the  constant  accession  of  fresh  hands  from 
Europe.  And  the  American  demand  for  cheap  goods  put  the  seal  of 
approval  on  an  institution  recognized  by  those  involved  as  vicious. 
They  bring  with  them  certain  Well  denned  social  and  economic  ideals ; 
so  that  unionism  prospers  among  them  as  demonstrated  by  the  higher 
percentage  of  those  engaged  in  the  garment  industry  being  in  the 
unions  than  of  workingmen  at  large  throughout  the  country.  Political- 
ly speaking,  the  bulk  of  them  are  democratic  idealists  as  witnessed  by 
their  advocacy  of  the  newer  economic  philosophies  and  their  recognized 
independence  at  the  ballot  box.  They  acquire  citizenship  at  the  ear- 
liest opportunity,  in  marked  contrast  to  the  members  of  many  other 
groups.  While  as  citizens  of  their  new  communities,  they  are  entitled 
to  their  proportionate  share  of  public  relief,  it  is  a  well  known  fact 
that  they  apply  for  such  aid  in  significantly  small  numbers.  They  are 
aided  by  their  Jewish  fellows  of  longer  residence,  and  the  ghetto  is 
famous  for  its  own  far  reaching  charities. 

There  are  many  difficulties  arising  out  of  the  transitional.  It  is 
naturally  difficult  for  the  older  members  to  readjust  themselves  wholly 
ta  their  new  environment,  and  the  rapidity  with  which  the  younger 
folk  acquire  American  ideas  and  manners  creates  a  serious  conflict 
between  the  old  and  the  new.  Yet  all  in  all,  the  standard  of  Jewish 
home  life  is  being  conserved,  often  under  tremendous  difficulties,  both 
economic  and  social.  The  traditional  morality  of  the  Jew  has  suffered 
and  there  is  a  lot  of  noisy  discussion  about  gangsters  and  slavers. 
There  has  been  considerable  hysterical  exaggeration  for  a  dozen  gang- 
sters can  get  more  publicity  than  a  hundred  thousand  decent  law  abiding 
citizens.  And  the  overwhelming  majority  are  of  this  latter  class. 
Religiously  speaking,  the  majority  fall  away  from  the  orthodoxy  of 
their  parents,  and  but  few  take  up  American  Reform  Judaism.  But  it 
may  be  said  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  this  does  not  mean  that 
they  are  an  easy  field  or  a  fair  field  for  the  zealous  Christian  mission- 
ary. Racial  consciousness  is  very  strong  among  them  and  the  national 
movement  has  a  marked  conservative  tendency  in  their  lives.  Their 
intellectual  interests  are  very  strong,  and  like  the  thirsty  traveler  of 

15 


the  desert,  they  seek  to  quench  their  thirst  for  books  at  schools,  li- 
braries, social  centers,  and  even  in  their  own  cafes.  They  have  an  active 
literary  and  artistic  life  within  themselves,  and  we  can  look  forward 
to  a  rich  new  stream  in  American  life  from  this  source. 

As  to  the  question  of  their  assimilability,  we  are  first  confronted 
by  what  is  meant  by  assimilation.  However  we  interpret  it,  we  must 
be  on  guard  against  a  too  rapid  throwing  off  of  the  old  and  confusing  a 
thin  veneer  of  what  Americanism  really  stands  for.  There 
is  too  much  "left  handed  Americanism"  in  the  ghetto  as  well  as  in  other 
immigrant  groups.  It  is  the  fountain  of  gangsters  and  similar  social 
dangers.  I  do  not  think  that  the  immigrant,  Jewish  or  otherwise,  cre- 
ates new  problems.  He  may  intensify  their  proportions.  Yet  aside 
from  the  pedagogic  question  of  his  schooling  and  the  social-political 
ones  of  his  assimilation,  no  really  new  ones  exist.  And  even  these 
are  hardly  new.  The  big  question  in  my  mind  with  reference  to  this 
group  and  every  group  like  it — and  I  hold  that  each  group  needs 
special  examination  for  the  determination  of  our  attitude 
towards  them — what  is  the  promise  of  the  group?  What  can  it  offer 
America?  Does  it  offer  America  anything?  And  most  of  all,  what 
shall  be  our  attitude  toward  the  newcomers?  Shall  he  remain  a  prob- 
lem or  a  promise  ?  A  duty  or  a  difficulty  ? 

I  trust  I  may  not  be  charged  with  chauvinism  in  holding  that  no 
group  promises  more,  has  more  to  offer  and  is  ready  to  give  more  to 
the  national  life  than  this  group  of  newcomers — Israelites,  sons  of  the 
ancient  law,  citizens  of  the  new  liberty. 


Land  and  Labor  and  Immigration 


By  James  W.  Mullen,  Editor,  San  Francisco   "Labor  Clarion." 

When  this  nation  was  young  the  inducement  of  broad  acres  of 
virgin  soil,  idle  and  free,  awaiting  the  strong  hand  of  toil,  could 
with  earnestness,  honesty  and  sincerity  be  held  out  to  the  ambi- 
tious and  the  oppressed  of  the  old  world  to  come  to  our  shores 
and  establish  themselves  as  free  and  independent  citizens  of  the 
greatest  nation  in  all  the  annals  of  time,  but  the  day  of  land  as  a 
door  of  opportunity  for  the  immigrant  in  the  United  States  is  gone 
forever,  and  it  is  utter  nonsense  to  give  time  and  attention  to  such 
thoughts  at  the  present  period  in  our  history  until  some  construc- 
tive, workable  plan  of  prying  the  land  monopolist  loose  from  his 
holdings  has  been  devised,  and  a  feasible  means  established  for 

16 


making  available  to  those  who  will  use  them  the  vast  acres  of  now 
idle  yet  highly  valuable  productive  lands. 

No  one  will  dispute  that  there  are  still  unused  untold  thousands 
of  acres  of  rich  soil  capable  of  wonderful  production  if  placed  under 
the  plow,  but  to  hold  this  fact  before  the  prospective  immigrant 
as  an  inducement  to  come  here  is  little  short  of  criminal  when  these 
lands  are  known  to  be  in  the  hands  of  avaricious  and  unprincipled 
speculators  and  held  at  prices  far  beyond  the  reach  of  the  humble 
immigrant.  The  organized  workers  of  this  country  have  always 
been  opposed  to  large  land  holdings  for  this  very  reason,  but  when 
land  was  still  plentiful,  labor  was  not  strong  enough  to  make  its 
opposition  effective.  The  question,  however,  is  now  receiving 
attention  from  many  other  powerful  sources,  as  is  amply  indicated 
by  the  following  editorial  in  the  California  Outlook : 

"California  wants  immigrants.  We  are  spending  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  dollars  in  promotion,  to  attract 
immigration.  Sometimes  we  succeed.  As,  for  instance : 
Seventy-nine  Spaniards,  looking  for  work,  landed  in  San 
Francisco.  They  drifted  into  the  Latin  quarter  of  Oak- 
land, where  they  were  cared  for,  partly  by  the  Associated 
Charities  and  partly  by  kindly  neighbors.  Finally  some 
one  hit  on  the  happy  idea  of  deporting  them.  So  they  are 
now  turned  over  to  the  immigration  officers — to  be  emi- 
grated. 

"California  wants  immigrants.  When  these  particular 
ones  came,  it  proceeded  to  export  them.  With  others, 
it  deals  more  indirectly  and  less  summarily.  But  the 
general  rule  is  that  if  you  turn  over  immigrants  to  the 
various  bodies  organized  for  promotion  of  immigration, 
they  will  throw  up  their  hands  in  horror  and  cry  take 
them  away. 

"For  instance,  is  there  a  Chamber  of  Commerce  in 
California  that  would  be  anything  short  of  horrified 
if  the  California  Development  Board  would  turn  over  to 
it  a  thousand,  or  even  a  hundred  able-bodied,  honest,  dili- 
gent men,  skilled  in  agriculture,  and  desirous  of  working 
at.it? 

"California  wants  immigrants — with  money  enough, 
earned  somewhere  else,  to  buy  our  land  of  us,  at  a  higher 
price  than  we  paid  for  it. 

"In  other  words,  California  wants  customers.  We  are 
looking,  not  for  people  or  development,  but  for  mercan- 
tile profit  in  a  commercial  transaction.  And  we  have  the 

17 


goods  to  sell,  too;  the  mercantile  bargain  is  a  good  one, 
on  both  sides. 

"Is  this  too  cynical  a  view?  If  you  think  so,  just 
try  the  experiment  of  cross-examining  anybody  engaged 
in  promoting  immigration,  and  see  whether  it  is  human 
beings  he  is  looking  for,  or  check  books. 

"It  is  a  humiliating  confession,  and  we  shall  not  be 
really  civilized  so  long  as  it  remains  true.  What  we 
really  need  is  human  beings,  to  work,  to  transform  the 
latent  resources  of  the  state  to  active  wealth,  for  their 
own  good  and  ours.  California  is  all  right  and  the 
workers  are  all  right.  If,  somehow,  they  can  not  be  got 
together,  the  fault  is  ours.  We  are  not  organized  right. 
But  we  aren't ;  and  we  might  as  well  confess  it." 

There  are  no  persons  in  our  country  today  more  anxious  to 
see  this  nation  made  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed  of  other  lands 
than  are  the  organized  workers,  but  we  must  always  take  into  con- 
sideration the  price  to  be  paid  for  making  it  such.  We  must  not 
shut  our  eyes  to  the  consequences.  Wre  can  not  afford  to  have 
our  standards  of  life  torn  down,  and  the  American  worker  brought 
to  the  level  of  the  old  world  toiler,  and  that  is  precisely  what 
unlimited  immigration  holds  in  store  for  us. 

The  results  of  an  official  investigation  just  published  by  the 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  made  in  New  York  City 
during  the  month  of  February,  shows  that  approximately  398,000 
workers,  or  16.2  per  cent  of  all  wage-earners  in  the  city,  were  then 
out  of  employment. 

This  investigation  is  checked  up  and  verified  by  a  very  complete 
inquiry  made  by  the  Metropolitan  Life  Insurance  Company  of 
Xew  York,  upon  the  request  of  Mayor  Mitchel,  among  its  policy- 
holders  in  the  city,  made  in  January,  1915,  covering  155,960  fam- 
ilies, which  disclosed  45,421  persons,  or  18  per  cent  of  all  wage- 
earners  in  those  families,  out  of  employment.  Both  investigations 
excluded  irregular  or  part-time  workers,  and  cover  only  workers 
with  no  jobs  whatsoever. 

What  this  condition  means  to  the  country  at  large  can  be  seen 
by  applying  the  percentage  to  the  workers  of  the  country  as  a 
whole.  According  to  the  United  States  census,  there  were  in  1910, 
in  the  United  States.  38.107,336  persons  10  years  of  age  or  over 
engaged  in  gainful  occupations.  Taking  the  bureau  of  labor  sta- 
tistics' figure  of  16.2  per  cent,  and  assuming  that  the  same  condi- 
tion of  unemployment  existed  in  other  parts  of  the  country  as 
existed  in  New  York  last  winter,  then  there  were  more  than  six 

18 


million  men,  women  and  children  out  of  work,  wanting  work  and 
unable  to  get  it. 

Of  course  the  conditions  last  winter  were  very  abnormal.  There 
was  probably  considerably  more  unemployment  than  usual.  In 
addition,  the  census  figures  of  total  wage-workers  include  every 
kind  of  workers,  farm  as  well  as  mine  and  factory.  But  even  if  we 
assume  that  normal  conditions  of  unemployment  were  only  half 
as  bad  as  they  were  in  February,  1915,  and  that  only  8  per  cent 
instead  of  16  per  cent  of  all  the  workers  are  out  of  work,  we  still 
have  the  enormous  figure  of  more  than  three  million  people  out  of 
work ! 

Such  a  situation  is  appalling.  We  cannot  afford  permanently  to 
keep  millions  of  our  people  at  or  near  the  starvation  line.  We  cannot 
afford  to  have  poverty  and  the  fear  of  poverty  always  in  our  midst. 

The  number  of  workers  permanently  unemployed  is  greater  by 
nearly  a  million  than  the  total  membership  of  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor.  There  are  as  many  unemployed  in  the  United  States  as  the  - 
total  vote  given  to  Mr.  Taft  in  the  last  presidential  race.  There  are 
about  as  many  unemployed  people  in  the  United  States  now  as  there 
was  total  population  in  the  country  when  the  first  census  was  taken. 
There  are  more  unemployed  workers  in  the  United  States  today  than 
there  are  people — men,  women,  children  and  infants — in  the  states  of 
Montana,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Utah  and 
Nevada  combined. 

It  must,  therefore,  be  plain  to  the  dullest  comprehension  that  there 
are  too  many  people  in  the  country  as  it  is.  If  the  country  were  as  it 
might  be  there  would  be  room  for  several  millions  more  and  enough 
for  everybody,  but  as  we  have  to  deal  with  what  we  have,  rather  than 
what  we  believe  we  ought  to  have,  of  necessity  we  must  consider  prob- 
lems as  we  find  them  and  not  as  we  would  like  to  have  them.  And, 
this  statement  applies  to  every  part  of  the  world  and  to  every  class  of 
people,  from  the  nation  efficiencized  to  the  highest  degree  to  the  people 
who  plow  with  sticks  and  live  in  caves.  As  things  are  there  are  more 
working  people  than  we  can  find  jobs  for,  which  is  an  unhealthy  situa- 
tion for  the  man  out  of  a  job  and  for  the  man  who  has  a  job.  Too 
many  men  and  too  few  jobs  do  not  make  wages  or  service  rules  for 
the  advantage  of  the  man  who  has  a  job.  Work  at  any  price  does  not 
mean  prosperity  for  anyone ;  even  the  employer  who  pays  any  price 
will  fall  under  the  wheels  of  his  own  machine  before  he  drives  it 
very  far. 

Every  sane  man  must  agree  that  there  is  a  limit  to  our  capacity  to 
absorb  immigration.  We  meet  all  sorts  of  finely  spun  theories  based 
on  what  used  to  be  and  what  ought  to  be,  but  they  don't  fit  in  with 

19 


what  is.  The  liberal  policy  of  forty  yeras  ago  does  not  work  well 
with  the  present;  it  passed  its  day  of  practicability  and  has  become  a 
menace.  We  have  far  exceeded  our  capacity,  and  the  American  worker 
is  not  going  to  permit  his  liberties  to  be  niched  from  him  by  holding 
out  false  hopes  to  the  oppressed  of  other  lands  merely  to  satisfy  the 
greed-crazed  elements  of  our  social  structure. 

For  these  reasons,  and  in  the  interest  of  both  the  foreign  and 
American  toiler,  the  wage  workers  of  the  United  States  insist  there 
shall  be  a  limit  placed  upon  the  number  of  aliens  permitted  to  enter 
our  portals,  and  in  so  doing  yield  to  no  element  of  society  in  the  sincere 
desire  for  the  uplifting,  improving  and  ennobling  of  the  human  race 
as  a  whole.  The  interests  of  all,  save  the  greedy  few,  can  the  better 
be  conserved  by  placing  the  bars  to  entrance  to  our  country  high  enough 
to  keep  out  those  who,  by  coming  here,  would  drag  us  down. 


Manufacturers  and  Immigration  on  the 
Pacific  Coast 


By  Robert  Newton  Lynch,  Vice  President  and  Manager,  San  Francisco 
Chamber  of  Commerce. 

The  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal  has  created  a  profound  revolu- 
tion in  trade  and  industrial  conditions  on  the  Pacific  Coast.  The  effect 
of  this  revolution  has  not  yet  been  accurately  estimated,  but  it  is  fair 
to  say  that  the  man  on  the  Pacific  Coast  has  been  enabled  to  turn  his 
face  from  the  setting  sun  and  to  regard  the  East  with  the  awakening 
realization  of  a  new  field  of  operation. 

Heretofore  the  great  pressure  of  eastern  business  has  forced  the 
western  manufacturer  and  jobber  to  the  very  rim  of  the  continent. 
The  smallest  business  area  has  been  enjoyed  on  the  Pacific  Coast  for 
the  distribution  of  goods,  while  the  eastern  jobbing  houses  or  manu- 
facturers' agents  have  extended  their  operations  to  much  of  the  terri- 
tory that  should  naturally  belong  to  San  Francisco  and  other  Pacific 
Coast  centers.  The  opening  of  the  canal  seemed  certain  to  affect  this 
condition,  and  when  the  rates  which  had  been  established  through  the 
canal  announced,  with  tolls,  were  40  per  cent  below  those  expected, 
without  tolls,  the  full  force  of  the  revolution  commenced  to  be  felt.  The 
effect  of  these  rates  demand  that  the  great  bulk  of  products  destined 
for  Pacific  Coast  points  from  a  large  eastern  section,  will  come  by 
water  to  San  Francisco  harbor  and  other  Pacific  Coast  ports,  this  to  be 
distributed  to  local  centers  of  consumption. 

20 


Coupled  with  these  exceeding  low  rates,  the  Interstate  Commerce  • 
Commission  of  the  United  States,  in  the  now  famous  Long  and  Short 
Haul  case  and  the  Intermountain  case,  has  established  conditions  even 
more  favorable  to  the  Pacific  Coast.  These  decisions  make  it  only 
possible  for  the  railroads  to  compete  with  the  water  rate  established 
through  the  canal  at  the  expense  of  the  demoralization  of  much  of 
their  intermediate  business.  The  practical  effect  seems  to  be  that  rail- 
roads will  prefer  to  handle  business  from  San  Francisco  to  interior 
points  at  a  profit,  rather  than  to  handle  the  business  from  eastern 
points  to  the  same  places  by  rail  at  a  loss.  Thus,  San 'Francisco,  wfhich 
at  one  time,  was  the  terminus  of  a  railroad  or  two,  has  now  become 
the  beginning  of  great  railroad  systems. 

The  effect  of  this  new  order  will  probably  be  felt  as  far  east  as 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  the  western  business  man  can  look  with 
confidence  to  the  expectation  of  the  natural  western  territory  which 
is  tributary  to  western  ports. 

The  natural  things  for  middle  western  manufacturers,  under  this 
new  order,  will  be  to  establish  factories  on  the  Pacific  Coast  to  care  for 
Pacific  Coast  business.  Fortunately,  the  growing  population  of  the 
Pacific  Coast  area  makes  this  an  attractive  thing.  There  are  at  the 
present  time  some  six  million  people  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
half  of  whom  are  in  the  state  of  California.  The  West  is  the  most 
rapidly  growing  portion  of  the  United  States,  and  California,  with  all 
of  its  wonderful  resources  and  ability  to  sustain  a  great  population, 
will  doubtless  enjoy  a  continuous  growth,  which  will  make  it  a  great 
market  for  a  growing  industrial  activity. 

The  opening  of  the  Canal  has  also  stimulated  in  California  and  the 
Pacific  Coast  a  greater  development  of  natural  resources.  It  is  realized 
that  ships  coming  to  Pacific  Coast  ports  must  not  only  bring  raw  ma- 
terials and  goods  for  distribution,  but  must  have  something  to  carry 
away.  San  Francisco  harbor  is  a  great  basin  which  drains  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  State.  The  great  valley  of  California  is  destined  to  have 
a  growth  coincident  with  the  exchange  of  products  and  opening  of 
markets  in  the  outside  world.  California  products  will  move  at  prac- 
tically half  the  freight  cost  under  this  new  order. 

It  is  interesting  .in  all  of  this  to  show  the  rapid  development  of 
coast  to  coast  traffic  across  the  isthmus  even  before  the  opening  of  the 
Canal.  For  example,  coast  to  coast  tonnage  via  the  isthmuses  of  Pa- 
nama and  Tehuantepec  has  increased  446  per  cent  in  the  last  six  years. 
According  to  the  figures  of  the  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor 
for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1913,  the  total  value  of  all  goods  shipped 
via  both  isthmuses  amounted  to  $131,556,285,  of  which  $87,564,507 
was  westbound  and  $34,991,778  eastbound. 

21 


The  leading  articles  so  shipped  ranked  as  follows :  Westbound, 
manufactures  of  iron  and  steel,  $18,755,779;  manufactures  of  cotton, 
$11,067,774;  manufactures  of  paper,  $6,467,774.  Eastbound,  Wines, 
$4,044,320;  fruits,  $3,708,094;  wool,  $3,469,217;  canned  salmon,  $2,- 
129,703.  The  largest  eastbound  item  was  sugar  from  Hawaii  to  the 
Delaware  Breakwater,  amounting  to  $19,309,351. 

The  first  year  the  Canal  is  opened  the  total  tonnage  should  easily 
reach  1,000,000  tons  valued  at  $150,000,000.  Assuming  that  tonnage 
has  increased  with'  the  inauguration  of  each  new  steamship  line  and 
with  the  numerous  lines  that  intend  to  use  the  canal,  tonnage  totals 
should  increase  at  a  greater  rate  than  is  commensurate  with  the  in- 
crease in  reproduction  or  consumption  on  the  Pacific  Coast. 

Figures  so  far  compiled  regarding  the  movements  through  the  canal 
show  the  following  interesting  facts : 

Two  hundred  and  fifty-seven  vessels  used  the  Panama  Canal  before 
December  1,  1914.  Two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  were  laden. 

By  principal  routes,  and  with  an  indication  of  the  tonnage  on  which 
tolls  are  assessed,  this  traffic  may  be  summarized  as  follows : 

Coastwise,    eastbound   54  320,155 

Coastwise,  westbound 61  282,020 

U.  S.  Pacific  Coast  to  Europe  34  248,020 

Europe  to  U.  S.  Pacific  Coast  8  38,318 

South  America  to  U.  S.  and  Europe  24  166,917 

U.  S.  and  Europe  to  South  America 15  74,644 

U.  S.  Atlantic  Coast  to  Far  East  24  148,207 

Miscellaneous  routings  7  19,203 

Vessels  without  cargo 30      


Total  ....257  1,297,484 

The  tolls  collected  on  this  traffic  aggregated  $1,135,205.  Collections 
of  tolls  began  in  May,  1914,  when  barges  were  first  allowed  to  use  the 
canal,  and  assumed  considerable  volume  with  the  opening  of  the  Canal 
on  August  15,  to  ocean  going  vessels. 

The  harbor  of  San  Francisco  has  made  adequate  preparations  to 
meet  this  new  situation. 

The  San  Francisco  harbor  front  is  owned  by  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia. New  docks  and  wharves  are  being  built  under  a  $10,000,000 
state  bond  issue,  the  interest  on  same  and  all  sinking  and  redemption 
funds  being  paid  for  out  of  the  harbor  revenues. 

The  Bay  of  San  Francisco  covers  an  area  of  over  420  square  miles 
a.  id  has  a  shore  line,  exclusive  of  navigable  inlets,  of  100  miles.  The 
City  and  County  (Consolidated)  of  San  Francisco  has  a  water  front- 
age on  the  bay  of  10  miles.  The  pierhead  line  is  800  feet  from  the 

22 


bulkhead  line  and  is  fixed  by  the  United  States  Government.  On 
January  1,  1915,  there  was  a  total  completed  sea  wall  18,690  feet  in 
length,  34  complete  piers  and  three  planned,  from  600  to  1,000  feet  in 
length  and  from  100  to  200  feet  in  width.  The  total  berth  space  of 
all  piers  is  48,728  lineal  feet.  The  dock  area  of  all  piers  is  3,471,697 
square  feet. 

The  Embarcadero,  the  street  fronting  the  harbor,  is  also  owned  by 
the  State,  which  operates  a  Belt  Line  Railroad  over  its  entire  length. 
On  January  1,  1915,  the  Belt  Line  was  20,600  feet  long.  Freight  can 
be  unloaded  directly  on  to  the  freight  cars  on  the  Belt  Line  from  the 
freighter  alongside  the  dock  (the  Belt  Line  being  connected  with  the 
main  lines  of  the  transcontinental  railroads,  and  the  spur  tracks  serv- 
ing San  Francisco's  industrial  area),  so  that  freight  can  be  transferred 
direct  from  steamer  to  warehouse  or  .factory. 

Deep  water  is  found  in  all  the  docks  and  wharves  on  the  San 
Francisco  water  front.  Typhoons  and  hurricanes  are  unknown  and 
the  greatest  Pacific  Liners  dock  without  difficulty  in  any  weather  and 
at  all  stages  of  the  tide.  Ten  fathoms  is  the  average  depth  in  the  bay, 
so  that  safe  anchorages  are  obtainable  at  all  times.  A  depth  of  six  and 
seven  fathoms  is  reached  at  the  end  of  all  piers.  The  only  transport 
docks  owned  by  the  United  States  are  at  San  Francisco. 

The  first  settlers  selected  the  San  Francisco  side  of  the  bay  for 
shipping,  and  it  is  both  the  deep  water  and  the  sheltered  side.  The 
east  side  of  the  bay  will  not  see  any  deep  water  shipping  until  the  San 
Francisco  side  has  been  solidly  built  up.  The  silt  from  the  Sacramento 
and  San  Joaquin  Rivers  piles  up  on  the  east  side  of  the  bay,  necessi- 
tating constant  dredging  to  maintain  a  given  depth.  The  Oakland 
Estuary  has  a  depth  of  six  fathoms.  The  only  protected  bight  on  the 
east  side  of  the  bay  is  owned  by  the  United  States  Government  and  may 
be  the  site  of  the  future  naval  base.  At  the  present  time  the  Federal 
Government  has  made  an  arrangement  with  the  Hunters'  Point  Dry 
Dock  Company  (on  the  San  Francisco  side),  to  construct  a  dry  dock 
1,050  feet  long.  This  will  be  the  largest  dry  dock  on  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
The  United  States  will  have  first  call  on  this  dock  at  all  times  for  the 
docking  and  repairing  of  government  vessels.  Two  docks  are  now 
being  operated  at  Hunters'  Point  one  of  them  being  750  feet  long. 

All  of  the  passengers  and  freight  steamers  sailing  from  San  Fran- 
cisco leave  from  the  San  Francisco  side  of  the  bay,  with  the  exception 
of  small  lumber  schooners.  Direct  steamer  connections  may  be  made 
from  here  to  all  points  along  the  Pacific  Coast  of  North  and  South 
America,  Russia,  Japan,  China,  the  Philippines,  the  Orient,  Hawaii, 
Xew  Zealand,  and  Australia,  as  well  as  service  through  the  Canal  to 
Atlantic  Coast  points  and  Europe. 

23 


This  new  order  of  things,  brought  in  by  the  Canal,  enables  a  western 
man  to  turn  with  a  new  vision  toward  the  East,  and  will  doubtless  de- 
velop a  situation  which,  strengthened  by  rapid  development  of  manu- 
facturing and  commerce,  will  enable  the  western  man,  when  he  again 
turns  his  face  toward  the  East,  to  look  to  the  Orient  with  greater  am- 
bitions for  foreign  trade,  and  will  make  this  Pacific  Coast  area  the 
center  of  a  new  world-wide  commerce. 


Japanese  Immigration — Remaining  Problems 
and  Suggested  Remedies 


By  Prof.  H.  A.  Millis,  University  of  Kansas. 

I  have  been  requested  to  speak  on  the  subject  of  some  unsettled 
questions  connected  with  Japanese  immigration.  As  a  student  of  im- 
migration problems,  I  shall  claim  the  right  to  speak  frankly,  and  shall 
gladly  concede  that  right  to  all  others  however  much  their  views  may 
differ  from  mine.  In  speaking  frankly  I  trust  no  offense  will  be  taken. 
Certainly  none  is  meant  to  be  given.  In  such  matters  we  cannot  afford 
to  speak  otherwise  than  frankly.  Moreover,  for  one,  I  believe  that 
when  we  brush  aside  misunderstandings  no  two  groups  of  us  are  really 
far  apart  after  all. 

The  subject  to  which  my  remarks  are  addressed  carries  with  it  the 
implication  that  there  is  something  connected  with  Japanese  immigra- 
tion which  has  already  been  settled.  The  one  thing  really  settled  is 
that  there  shall  not  be  a  free  flow  of  laborers  from  such  a  high  pressure 
country  as  Japan  to  the  low  pressure  United  States  for  the  mere  pecu- 
niary gain  of  those  who  come.  No  country  can  afford  indefinitely  to 
provide  the  opportunity  for  draining  off  an  excess  of  population  found 
elsewhere — the  diminished  numbers  to  be  quickly  replaced  by  a  high 
birth  rate.  There  are  few  in  the  United  States  who  will  question  the 
wisdom  of  the  principle  of  restriction  rather  vigorously  applied  and 
most  of  the  Japanese  people  freely  concede  it.  Japan  has  for  some 
time  been  acting  upon  that  principle  in  restricting  emigration  directly 
or  indirectly,  i.  e.,  by  way  of  Mexico  and  Canada,  to  the  United  States. 
She  has  applied  it  also  in  dealing  with  Chinese  laborers  who  came  to 
her  own  shores. 

With  reference  to  this  matter  I  wish  not  to  be  misunderstood. 
Until  conditions  materially  change,  vigorous  restriction  of  the  free 
movement  of  laborers  from  Japan  must  be  taken  for  granted.  It  must 
not  be  taken  for  granted,  however,  because  of  any  alleged  inferiority 

24 


of  the  Japanese  race,  for  it  is  not  an  inferior  one.  Nor  must  it  be  taken 
for  granted  because  of  dependency,  disorder,  ignorance,  or  undesira- 
bility  attaching  possibly  to  some  individuals,  for  there  has  been  no 
problem  of  any  moment  connected  with  any  of  these.  Nor,  again, 
must  it  be  taken  for  granted  because  of  gambling  or  related  evils  found 
in  some  places,  for  the  communities  in  which  such  evils  have  arisen 
are  chiefly  to  blame  for  them.  Nevertheless,  in  a  practical  world  re- 
strictions must  be  taken  for  granted,  because  of  evils  for  which  no  one 
in  particular  was  to  blame,  but  connected  with  the  earlier  influx  and 
perhaps  inherent  in  a  comparatively  free  movement  of  immigrants  from 
Eastern  Asia  to  such  a  country  as  the  United  States. 

One  of  the  evils  experienced  and  which  is  indissolubly  connected 
with  any  considerable  immigration  of  Asiatic  laborers  is  the  conflict 
of  economic  standards.  We  have  witnessed  it  in  industry  when  em- 
ployment was  taken  by  the  Asiatics  as  section  hands  and  shop  and  mill 
laborers  at  lower  wages  than  others  were  paid.  Seldom,  it  is  true, 
was  the  underbidding  through  the  acceptance  of  lower  wages  great. 
The  primary  reason  for  the  difference  of  only  about  twenty  or  twenty- 
five  cents  per  day  in  wages  was  that  the  slightly  lower  sum  was  suffi- 
cient to  absorb  the  numbers  available.  The  wages  accepted  in  Hawaii 
and  elsewhere  would  indicate  that  the  rates  accepted  here  might  have 
been  lower  if  need  be  to  be  effective  in  securing  employment.  But 
when  the  immigration  was  greatest,  industry  was  expanding,  there  was 
a  shortage  of  labor  at  the  wages  then  current,  and  the  contractors, 
working  in  connection  with  boarding-houses  and  other  sources  of  sup- 
ply, could  place  their  Japanese  laborers  at  the  slight  discount  indicated. 
Yet  that  the  immigration  of  Japanese  laborers  and  the  organized  search 
for  employment  previous  to  1908  was  accompanied  by  effective  under- 
bidding is  an  established  fact.  In  spite  of  the  expanding  industry,  a 
check  was  placed  upon  the  increase  in  wages  and  improvement  in  labor 
conditions.  That  organized  labor  was  the  first  to  protest  against  the 
competition  was  only  to  be  expected,  for  organized  labor  stands  for 
the  maintenance  and  improvement  of  standards.  Laborers  without 
organization,  also  to  the  best  of  their  limited  ability,  stood  opposed  to 
any  impairment  of  their  working  conditions. 

But  the  Japanese  laborers  were  employed  much  more  extensively 
in  agriculture  than  in  industrial  pursuits  such  as  those  just  mentioned. 
They  accepted  the  places  vacated  by  the  ageing  and  disappearing  Chi- 
nese, maintained  the  old  Asiatic  labor  economy,  and  extended  it  to 
new  branches  of  agriculture  as  they  developed  in  California  and  to  the 
sugar  industry  as  it  gained  an  important  place  in  several  of  the  western 
states.  They  found  employment  chiefly  as  migratory  hand  laborers 
in  the  growing  of  intensive  crops,  where  much  of  the  work  is  of  the 

25 


, 


stoopover  variety  and  unattractive  to  white  men.     They  easily  found 
place  in  such  occupations  because  they  were  organized  by  and  easily 
secured   through  bosses,   were  easily   shifted   from  place  to  place  as 
needed,  were  easily  housed  and  self-subsisting,  and,  to  begin  with,  al- 
ways accepted  lower  wages  than  white  men,  whether  paid  by  the  day 
or  by  the  job.     They,  of  course,  by  reason  of  their  availability,  cheap- 
ness and  fair  efficiency,  had  not  a  little  to  do  with  the  rapid  advance 
of  branches  of  agriculture  of  an  intensive  type  and  of  farming  commu- 
nities where  the  supply  of  labor  was  not  at  all  commensurate  with  the 
needs  of  the  highly  specialized  operations  most  profitable  if  labor  was 
readily  available  on  favorable  terms.     Indeed  by  Asiatic  labor  not  a 
few  of  the  out  of  the  way  places  were  brought  to  that  state  of  develop- 
ment where  they  could  be  settled  by  others.    In  other  words,  their  labor 
was  to  a  considerable  extent  supplementary  to  that  of  others.     More- 
over, it  must  be  admitted  that  their  presence  made  more  employment 
for  laborers  in  some  occupations  in  which  they  did  not  themselves 
compete  for  work.    Yet  it  is  true  that  there  was  considerable  displace- 
ment of  other  laborers  because  of  the  easy  terms  on  which  the  Japanese 
could  be  obtained.    The  disappearance  of  the  Chinese  was  hastened  by 
their  competition,  and  in  some  instances  white  laborers  as  well  were 
displaced.     The  Japanese  were  effective  competitors  and  generally  un- 
derbid  for  work.     Moreover,  others  tended  to  withdraw  as   certain 
agricultural  occupations  became  tainted.     My  investigations  have  led 
me  to  the  conclusion  that  the  economic  effects  of  the  employment  of 
the  Japanese  in  agricultural  work  were  (1)   to  promote  certain  kinds 
of  farming  and  to  hasten  the  development  of  the  natural  resources,  (2) 
to  cause  an  advance  in  land  values,   (3)  to  retard  the  subdivision  of 
large  holdings  and  to  maintain  a  certain  amount  of  capitalistic  agricul- 
ture, (4)  to  retard  the  advance  in  wages  of  unskilled  laborers  and  to 
extend  the  old  labor  economy,  and  (5)  to  give  the  Japanese  a  pivotal 
place  in  the  labor  supply,  especially  in  many  California  communities. 
As  this  pivotal  place  was  secured  less  room  was  left  for  the  employ- 
ment of  others  in  certain  occupations  and  they  sought  work  elsewhere. 

Most  of  the  Japanese  who  came  to  us  brought  only  their  hands  and 
sought  to  better  their  economic  condition  as  laborers  in  some  of  the 
lower  and  more  distasteful  walks  of  life.  With  time,  however,  a  rela- 
tively large  number  became  shopkeepers  or  tenant  or  land-owning 
farmers.  Few  races  have  made  the  transition  as  quickly  as  the  Japa- 
nese, and  in  their  shopkeeping  and  farming,  differences  in  standards 
corresponding  to  those  in  wage-employment  became  evident. 

The  number  of  Japanese  farmers,  most  of  them  tenant,  in  the  \\Vst 
in  1909,  was  perhaps  not  far  from  6,000.  Many  of  their  4,000  holdings 
were  not  farms,  but  small  plots,  so  that  the  combined  acreage  held  by 

26 


them  was  perhaps  approximately  200,000,  about  three-quarters  of  it 
in  California.  Though  this  acreage  seems  to  be  of  little  consequence 
where  millions  of  acres  sparsely  settled  are  found  in  the  West,  it  had 
perhaps  tripled  in  five  years,  and  the  details  connected  with  the  rapid 
progress  thus  shown,  were  significant  of  what  might  be  expected  to 
happen  were  large  numbers  admitted  to  the  country,  and  gave  rise  to 
fear  for  the  future — especially  in  those  localities  in  which  most  of 
them  found  place.  More  recently  they  have  continued  to  make  sub- 
stantial progress  as  farmers.  It  is  my  opinion  that  with  a  large  immi- 
gration of  Asiatics,  and  especially  of  Japanese,  much  of  the  land  would 
rapidly  come  into  their  possession  and  important  changes  in  the  com- 
position and  life  of  agricultural  communities  settled  in  would  occur. 
With  an  immigration  problem,  an  important  land  problem  would  in- 
evitably develop.  The  reasons  for  this  conclusion  may  be  briefly  pre- 
sented. 

Numerous  things  have  combined  to  place  a  premium  on  shopkeep- 
ing  or  farming  by  the  versatile  and  efficient  Japanese.  The  Japanese 
are  ambitious  and  the  immigrants  of  every  ambitious  race  tend  strongly 
to  rise  in  the  adopted  country  to  the  position  they  occupied  in  their 
native  land.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  Japanese  who  find  the  wage 
relation  distasteful.  With  them  to  be  a  wage-earner  is  to  show  inferi- 
ority; to  be  economically  independent  shows  merit.  Again,  their  ad- 
vance as  employees  to  the  higher  occupations  has  been  made  difficult, 
and  this  has  virtually  forced  many  to  leave  the  wage-earning  class  in 
order  to  advance  at  all.  Most  of  them  have  been  employed  in  gangs 
and  limited  to  work  done  by  gangs.  A  third  important  factor  is  found 
in  the  fact  that  they  are  a  home-loving  people  and  wish  to  have  their 
families  with  them.  Ordinarily  this  has  been  difficult  unless  they  be- 
come shopkeepers  or  farmers.  If  laborers,  they  were  expected  to  be 
rolling  stones,  and  to  live  under  such  conditions  as  to  make  a  desirable 
family  life-  impossible. 

Again,  because  of  the  great  respect  attaching  to  agriculture  in  japan 
and  the  highly  developed  agricultural  arts  there  found,  in  so  far  as 
labor  and  scientific  application  are  concerned,  the  Japanese  have  been 
the  more  eager  to  obtain  possession  of  farms.  But  most  important  of 
all,  has  been  the  place  they  have  occupied  in  the  agricultural  labor 
supply,  especially  in  California. 

It  is  a  general  fact  that  the  land  tends  to  fall  into  the  possession  of 
the  race  employed  as  laborers,  if  the  race  is  a  capable  one.  It  has  been 
only  a  slight  change  from  the  employment  of  Japanese  laborers  under 
a  "boss"  to  share  tenancy  where  the  landowner  provided  most  of  the 
equipment,  did  the  work  with  teams,  advanced  the  wages  of  the  em- 
ployees, managed  the  business  in  all  of  its  details,  sold  the  produce  and 

27 


collected  the  selling  price,  and  then  shared  this  with  the  tenant  after 
all  bills  were  paid.  Cash  tenancy,  with  liberal  advances  and  the  rent 
collected  out  of  the  receipts  from  crops  sold,  differs  little  except  that 
more  of  the  risk  is  taken  by  the  tenant.  To  the  landowner,  however, 
either  arrangement  has  had  the  distinct  advantage  of  interesting  the 
"boss"  and  obtaining  with  a  greater  degree  of  certainty  his  co-operation 
in  securing  laborers  as  needed  and  in  supervising  them  at  work.  Most 
of  the  tenant  farming  by  Japanese  in  the  growing  of  grapes  and  de- 
ciduous fruit  in  California  and  in  growing  sugar  beets  everywhere  has 
grown  out  of  the  fact  that  the  Japanese  worked  under  a  "boss"  and 
occupied  a  dominant  place  in  the  labor  supply  required  for  taking  care 
of  the  crop.  As  some  landowners  leased  their  holdings  and  secured 
an  advantage  in  the  labor  market,  there  was  the  more  reason  for  others 
to  do  so. 

Again,  the  Japanese,  like  the  Chinese  before  them,  have  had  an 
advantage  over  other  races,  as  competitors  for  land,  in  California 
especially,  because  they  could  be  easily  and  cheaply  provided  with  shel- 
ter. If  not  the  bunkhouse,  then  a  corresponding  shelter  would  suffice, 
and  if  a  new  structure  was  required,  it  was  frequently  built  by  the 
tenant  with  the  privilege  of  removing  it  upon  the  expiration  of  the 
lease.  The  landowner  and  his  family,  if  they  desired,  as  in  most  cases 
they  have,  could  occupy  the  farm  residence  and  reserve  such  part  of 
the  farm  as  was  desired.  The  members  of  no  white  race  could  be  had 
as  tenants  unless  the  family  residence  was  let  with  the  land ;  or  cot- 
tages, superior  .to  those  which  have  generally  been  provided,  were 
erected  at  the  landowner's  expense  for  their  use.  With  respect  to  the 
kind  of  housing  required,  the  Asiatics  have  competed  with  others  for 
\  the  possession  of  land  of  the  basis  of  a  lower  standard.  It  has  been  an 
important  factor  in  explaining  the  advance  of  the  Japanese  as  tenant 
farmers. 

The  Japanese,  like  the  Chinese  before  them  and  now,  have  been 
willing  to  pay  higher  rents  than  others  for  land — such  high  rents  in 
fact  that  the  owner  has  frequently  found  it  more  profitable  to  lease 
his  land  than  to  farm  it  on  his  own  account.  That  the  Japanese  and 
Chinese  can  afford  to  pay  a  relatively  high  rent  is  explained  in  part  by 
the  fact  that  their  efficiency  and  the  kinds  of  crops  grown  by  them  will 
bear  it ;  in  part  by  the  fact  that  they  have  a  different  standard  of  appli- 
cation ;  and  in  part  by  the  fact  that  the  income  in  prospect  from  farm- 
ing need  not  be  so  large  as  that  expected  by  most  other  farmers. 

The  Asiatic  farmer  expects  to  work  hard  and  for  long  hours ;  the 
Japanese  is  usually  assisted  in  garden  or  field  by  his  wife,  if  he  has  one ; 
the  opportunities  for  employment  other  than  as  an  unskilled  laborer 
have  been  limited,  and  as  a  result  of  careful  and  efficient  growing  of 

28 


intensive  crops  his  return  per  acre  is  ordinarily  a  large  one.  But 
whatever  the  reason  or  reasons,  the  most  nearly  universal  fact  in  the 
West  has  been  that  the  Asiatics,  with  the  possible  exception  of  German 
Russians  in  Colorado,  have  been  the  highest  bidders  for  land.  This 
fact  is  undisputed.  In  some  localities  the  sums  paid  have  been  ruin- 
ously large,  so  that  an  organized  effort  has  now  and  then  been  made 
by  the  Japanese  organizations  to  limit  the  amount  paid.  It  is  equally 
true  that  they  have  paid  correspondingly  high  prices  for  the  compara- 
tively small  amount  of  farm  land  purchased. 

Another  factor  of  some  importance  in  explaining  the  progress  of 
Japanese  as  farmers  is  the  ease  with  which  they,  like  the  Chinese  and 
the  Italians,  form  partnerships  to  carry  on  their  enterprises.  Of  still 
more  importance  has  been  the  aid  extended  by  commission  men  and 
others  interested  in  the  marketing  of  the  crops.  Liberal  advances  have 
been  made  on  crops  in  order  to  control  the  marketing  of  them.  Fruit 
shippers  have  frequently  served  as  middlemen  in  the  leasing  of  land, 
and  here  and  there  have  leased  land  themselves  and  then  sublet  it  to 
Asiatics  in  order  to  control  the  marketing  of  the  crops. 

And,  finally,  one  not  unimportant  fact  entering  into  the  situation 
has  been  the  reclamation  and  reduction  of  raw  land  by  the  Japanese 
tenants.  Numerous  instances  are  found  in  Washington  and  Oregon 
and  along  the  Sacramento  River  here  in  California.  It  should  be  stated, 
however,  that,  for  the  most  part,  the  lands  acquired  by  the  tenants 
have  been  those  improved  by  others,  though  when  acquired  they  were 
perhaps  devoted  to  a  more  intensive  purpose. 

Thus,  numerous  factors  have  cooperated  to  explain  the  rapid  prog- 
ress of  farming  by  the  Japanese.  In  passing,  some  of  the  community 
effects  should  be  noted,  for  they  are  of  importance. 

Japanese  farming  has  been  accompanied  by  a  tendency  toward  a 
rise  in  land  values  and  the  keeping  of  large  holdings  intact  as  profitable 
investments.  It  has  placed  a  slight  premium  on  absentee-landlordism, 
and,  though  it  is  not  true  that  the  earlier  elements  in  the  farming  popu- 
lation have  been  driven  out  of  any  community  in  California,  and  though 
it  is  true  that  Americans  have  continued  to  move  into  localities  where 
the  largest  percentage  of  Asiatics  were  settled,  it  has  tended  to  deflect 
the  tide  of  settlers  moving  west  to  other  localities.  Moreover,  in  a  few 
cases  the  acreage  of  certain  crops  has  been  greatly  increased  by  the 
Japanese  farmers  until  prices  have  broken  and  others  have  tended  to 
withdraw  from  their  production. 

In  this  way  the  thesis  is  maintained  that  with  a  large  immigration 
of  Japanese  laborers,  a  land  problem  would  develop.  The  compara- 
tively small  influx  of  earlier  years  has  in  fact  resulted  in  one-third  of 
the  land  about  Florin,  one-half  of  the  orchards  in  the  Vaca  valley,  a 

29 


still  larger  percentage  of  the  orchards  about  Newcastle,  and  most  of 
the  farms  above  Sacramento  along  the  American  River  coming  into 
their  hands  and  important  community  effects  have  been  witnessed.  The 
situation  in  several  other  localities  differs  from  that  in  those  mentioned 
only  in  degree. 

The  progress  of  the  Japanese  as  shopkeepers  has  also  been  rapid, 
especially  since  1904.  By  1909  they  were  conducting  some  four  thou- 
sand business  establishments  in  the  West,  these  giving  employment  to 
approximately  one-sixth  of  those  gainfully  occupied.  At  present,  per- 
haps one-fifth  of  the  Japanese  in  the  West  are  so  engaged,  as  principals 
or  as  their  employees. 

As  branches  of  business,  contracting  and  the  supply  house  came 
early,  of  course.  So  did  the  boarding  house,  the  barber  shop,  the  res- 
taurant and  the  places  of  amusement,  for  the  members  of  this  race 
were  usually  discriminated  against  by  others  and  it  was  necessary  for 
them  to  supply  their  own  needs.  But  sooner  or  later  they  began  in 
some  places  to  compete  with  groceries,  restaurants,  clothes  cleaning  and 
tailor  shops,  and  the  like,  for  so-called  American  trade,  and  the  compe- 
tition was  usually  on  unequal  planes.  With  lower  wages  bills  incurred 
in  the  conduct  of  their  shops  and  with  a  lower  standard  of  necessary 
profit,  considerable  cutting  of  prices  accompanied  the  progress  made  by 
them.  Their  laundry  prices  were  effectively  lower  than  those  charged 
by  their  competitors,  and  this  was  equally  true  in  most  of  the  competi- 
xtive  trades.  Moreover,  the  shifting  of  population  incidental  to  the 
settlement  of  newcomers  in  restricted  localities  was  in  some  cases  even 
more  important  than  the  cutting  of  prices.  The  formation  of  colonies 
thus  added  its  weight  to  the  under-selling  with  the  result  that  though 
the  number  of  their  establishments  was  relatively  not  large  and  most 
of  their  shops  quite  small,  established  businesses  and  profits  of  rivals 
suffered  in  some  cases.  When  such  was  the  result,  it  was  regarded 
as  an  evil  by  those  injuriously  affected,  and  opposition,  in  some  cases 
organized  opposition  employing  fines  and  boycotts  and  other  methods 
of  defense  which  appear  drastic  to  the  outsider,  developed  at  new 
points. 

Thus,  especially  before  immigration  was  greatly  restricted  in  1907. 
competition  in  unskilled  labor,  in  some  branches  of  petty  business,  and 
in  certain  branches  of  farming  for  which  many  localities  in  the  West 
are  peculiarly  well  suited,  has  taken  place  in  unequal  terms.  There  has 
been  a  conflict  of  standards.  While  the  labor  has  been  helpful  in  de- 
veloping the  country  because  cheap,  efficient  and  easily  secured ;  while 
it  has  been  a  great  convenience  in  other  cases,  as  in  domestic  service, 
and  while  profitable  branches  of  agriculture  have  been  caused  to  grow 
rapidly,  the  disturbing  effects  of  even  such  a  small  immigration  as  has 


given  us  a  total  population  of  Japanese,  old  and  young,  of  less  than 
a  hundred  thousand,  must  be  regarded  as  outweighing  the  good.  The 
immigration  of  large  numbers  to  settle  on  the  Pacific  Coast  and  to 
compete  on  unequal  terms  because  of  differences  in  standards  must  be 
regarded  as  undesirable  from  an  economic  point  of  view,  unless  one 
holds — as  no  one  can  successfully  maintain — that  the  economic  welfare 
of  the  country  depends  more  upon  the  most  rapid  industrial  progress, 
exploitation  of  resources  and  amassing  of  wealth  than  upon  an  im- 
provement in  the  lot  of  those  at  or  near  the  bottom  of  the  economic 
scale,  with  relatively  low  land  values  and  the  settlement  of  land  along 
lines  more  nearly  normal  according  to  the  American  standard. 

The  fundamental  economic  problem  is  to  be  emphasized.  Yet  the 
problem  has  not  been  merely  an  economic  one.  Because  of  clannish- 
ness  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  and  the  tendency  of  others  to  limit 
their  relations  with  them  to  business  affairs,  colonies  have  tended  to 
develop  and  the  newcomers  to  be  encysted  in  rather  than  be  assimilated 
to  the  population.  In  spite  of  considerable  capacity  on  the  part  of 
\  the  Japanese  for  assimilation,  it  has  not  been  taking  place  in  desired  de- 
gree, partly  because  of  the  strong  appeal  made  by  native  institutions 
to  a  people  living  in  colonies,  partly  because  of  the  failure  or  refusal 
of  others  to  do  their  share  in  a  process  which  requires  the  cooperation 
of  the  several  elements  in  the  population.  In  the  speaker's  opinion  a 
difficult  problem  in  connection  with  assimilation  has  developed.  Even 
with  limited  numbers  the  situation  is  such  that  assimilation  of  those 
here  is  now  unlikely  to  occur  in  desired  degree.  With  large  numbers 
it  would  not  take  place. 

Naturally,  considerable  friction  has  developed,  chiefly  because  of 
^  differences  in  economic  standards,  and  though  immigration  has  un- 
doubtedly caused  an  expansion  ofcommerce  between  the  two  countries, 
trade  relations  at  one  time  were  seriously  imperilled.  All  of  these 
things,  the  increase  of  dissatisfaction  due  to  misunderstanding,  misrep- 
resentation and  organized  agitation,  the  obvious  difference  in  color,  and 
the  extreme  solicitude  of  the  Japanese  government  for  the  welfare  of 
its  subjects  and  its  treatment  of  them  as  pseudo-colonists,  have  tended 
to  produce  a  new  race  problem.  Had  matters  continued  for  some  years 
longer  as  they  were  ten  years  ago,  such  a  problem  would  inevitably 
have  resulted. 

Thus  it  is  maintained  that  there  can  not  be  a  free  flow  of  laborers 
from  Japan  to  the  western  part  of  the  United  States.  But,  happily, 
for  seven  years,  with  the  gentlemen's  agreement  faithfully  observed  by 
the  Japanese  government  and  with  the  prohibition  of  re-migration  from 
Hawaii,  Mexico  and  Canada,  we  have  had  and  now  have  no  immigra- 
tion problem  in  so  far  as  incoming  Japanese  laborers  are  concerned. 

31 


The  statement  is  true  that  "with  unswerving  constancy  and  fidelity  the 
Japanese  government  has  maintained  the  gentlemen's  agreement  by 
which  it  undertook  to  suppress  the  immigration  of  laborers  to  the  United 
States."  It  has  done  more.  By  regulating  immigration  to  neighboring 
countries,  the  difficult  border  problem  has  ceased  to  be  of  importance. 
There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  we  have  in  the  agreement  the 
most  effective  exclusion  arrangement,  and  the  United  States  owes  a  debt 
of  gratitude  to  the  Japanese  government  for  its  cooperation  in  effecting 
it.  The  number  of  Japanese  laborers  in  the  country  is  slowly  diminish- 
ing, and  the  problems  involved  in  the  earlier  situation  are  gradually  set- 
tling themselves.  Of  underbidding  in  the  labor  market  there  is  now 
practically  none ;  the  conflict  of  standards  in  petty  business  has  become 
largely  a  matter  of  the  past,  and  no  serious  or  extensive  problem  con- 
nected with  the  land  can  develop.  The  feeling  of  opposition  is  less 
intense  than  it  was.  Nevertheless  there  are  unsettled  problems.  They 
should  be  settled  and  the  policy  of  drifting  along  with  some  harrassing 
legislation  should  not  be  permitted  to  continue  if  we  can  agree  upon 
the  direction  positive  efforts  should  take. 

With  no  particular  immigration  to  complicate  the  situation,  what 
are  these  unsettled  problems  to  which  consideration  should  be  given? 
One  is  found  in  the  gentlemen's  agreement  as  a  method  of  control ; 
others  are  found  in  connection  with  the  treatment  of  immigrants  who 
are  here  or  who  may  be  admitted.  These  two  questions  or  groups  of 
questions  may  be  considered  in  turn. 

Though  the  gentlemen's  agreement  and  the  President's  order  relat- 
ing to  the  indirect  immigration  which  accompanied  it  have  served  well 
as  a  method  of  restriction,  the  agreement  has  come  in  for  considerable 
adverse  criticism.  Approaching  the  matter  from  different  angles  differ- 
ent groups  have  advocated  new  immigration  legislation  to  replace  it. 
First  of  all,  a  vigorous  agitation  for  an  exclusion  law  applying  to  all 
Asiatics  has  been  carried  on  for  years.  It  antedated  the  adoption  of 
the  agreement  and  has  not  died  away  since  it  became  effective.  Much 
of  its  force  is  found  in  the  widespread  but  erroneous  belief  that  the 
agreement  is  not  effective  as  a  restrictive  measure,  in  the  fear  that  it 
might  cease  to  be  effective,  and  in  the  feeling  that  the  right  to  control 
immigration  to  the  country  is  a  sovereign  right  which  should  be  exer- 
cised, not  compromised  by  treaty  or  agreement.  In  the  least  offensive 
form  this  demand  would  find  expression  in  a  general  immigration  law 
which  would  admit  only  those  who  are  eligible  to  become  citizens  by 
naturalization.  Admission  and  the  possibility  of  becoming  citizens 
should  go  hand  in  hand,  but  exclusion  in  this  way  raises  the  additional 
question  as  to  the  soundness  of  the  discrimination  now  involved  in  our 
naturalization  law  about  which  something  will  be  said  presently.  But, 

32 


in  so  far  as  Japanese  immigration  is  concerned,  it  seems  to  me  that 
there  is  at  present  no  problem  to  be  solved  by  exclusion  legislation, 
whatever  form  it  might  take.  An  exclusion  law  modeled  after  the 
Chinese  exclusion  act  would  be  illogical  when  the  existing  agreement 
is  more  effective  than  any  law  of  that  character  would  be.  It  could 
solve  no  problem  and  it  is  illogical  to  enact  any  law  unless  there  is  a 
problem  to  be  solved  by  so  doing.  The  Japanese  government  has  on 
more  than  one  occasion  expressed  its  willingness  to  continue  the  pres- 
ent agreement  and  it  would  be  unjust  to  enact  an  exclusion  law  so 
long  as  she  is  willing  and  capable  of  limiting  the  issuance  of  passports 
to  would-be  immigrants.  Moreover,  to  enact  such  a  law  as  long  as 
the  Japanese  government  faithfully  observes  the  agreement  entered 
into  in  1907,  would  be  too  serious  an  affront  to  a  people  jealous  of  its 
honor  and  determined  to  command  the  treatment  due  a  first-class  na- 
tion. To  enact  an  exclusion  law  of  any  kind  would  be  illogical,  unjust 
and  an  affront  to  Japan. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  would  remove  the  restriction  which  now 
obtains.  In  Japan  there  seems  to  be  some  restiveness  under  the  agree- 
ment and  a  limited  amount  of  feeling  that  it  was  a  temporary  measure 
to  tide  over  an  emergency  and  that  it  has  accomplished  its  object.  A 
smaller  number  of  persons  on  this  side,  interested  in  cheap  labor, 
would  be  glad  to  see  the  bars  let  down.  But  to  grant  an  unrestricted 
immigration  under  our  present  immigration  law  in  order  to  meet  the 
wishes  of  a  minority  in  Japan  and  a  small  number  in  this  country  who 
wish  cheap  labor  would  be  unwise  for  reasons  already  set  forth.  It 
would  be  out  of  harmony  with  the  forward  movement  to  which  we  are 
devoting  so  much  effort.  If  the  agreement  is  to  be  replaced  by  law  at 
all,  it  should  be  replaced  by  a  new  immigration  law  of  the  general 
nature  of  the  measure  advocated  so  brilliantly  by  Dr.  Gulick. 

Dr.  Gulick's  plan  is  best  stated  by  himself.  But,  briefly  put,  his 
suggestion  is  that  the  number  of  independent  immigrants  admitted 
from  any  country,  or  of  any  race  or  mother-tongue,  in  any  one  year 
should  be  limited  to,  say,  five  per  cent  of  the  number  of  immigrants 
from  that  country  already  here  and  naturalized  and  the  American-born 
offspring  of  the  same  stock.  A  system  of  registration  would  be  worked 
out  for  the  administration  of  the  plan.  All  who  secured  admission  un- 
lawfully or  who  were  not  law-abiding  would  be  deported. 

The  general  effect  of  a  measure  shaped  in  this  way  would  be  to 
bring  the  control  of  all  immigration  under  one  law  and  to  get  rid  of 
the  Chinese  exclusion  act  with  its  invidious  distinctions,  the  strained 
and  unsatisfactory  interpretation  of  the  present  law  in  dealing  with 
the  East  Indians,  and  perhaps  to  end  the  movement  to  enact  an  ex- 
clusion law  applying  to  the  Japanese.  It  would  not  limit  immigration 

33 


from  the  Northwestern  European  countries  unless  under  new  condi- 
tions it  should  tend  to  expand  much  beyond  its  dimensions  in  recent 
years ;  it  would  materially  limit  the  more  or  less  induced  immigration 
of  recent  years  from  southern  and  eastern  Europe,  and  would  not  ma- 
terially affect,  for  the  time  being,  the  number  of  Chinese,  Japanese, 
Koreans,  and  East  Indians  coming  directly  to  our  shores. 

Were  Dr.  Gulick's  plan  applied  to  the  figures  given  in  the  census  of 
1910,  it  would  admit  annually  into  the  United  States,  including  Hawaii, 
to  begin  with,  a  maximum,  the  excepted  classes  of  wives,  children,  etc., 
not  counted,  of  some  1,200  or  1,300  Japanese  and  about  1,100  or  1,200 
Chinese  immigrants.  These  figures,  it  would  appear,  are  somewhat 
larger  than  of  the  corresponding  classes  admitted  in  recent  years  but 
the  difference  to  begin  with  would  not  be  material.  With  time  the 
basic  number  to  which  his  five  per  cent  would  be  applied  would  increase 
because  of  a  considerable  number  of  Japanese  who  would  become 
naturalized  if  given  the  opportunity  his  plan  calls  for,  and  because  of 
the  few  thousand  born  annually  in  this  country.  Thus  the  plan  would 
make  possible  a  cumulative  immigration. 

It  was  partly  because  of  these  cumulative  figures,  partly  because  of 
the  administrative  difficulties  connected  with  a  census  the  results  of 
which  were  to  be  employed  in  this  way,  and  partly  because  of  the  in- 
ducement held  out  to  seek  naturalization  so  as  to  increase  the  numbers 
which  might  be  admitted,  that  I  have  elsewhere  suggested  a  modifica- 
tion which  in  its  essence  would  admit  definite  numbers  arrived  at  in 
Dr.  Gulick's  manner,  these  numbers  being  based  upon  the  census  re- 
turns of  1910,  but  obtaining  indefinitely  unless  waived  by  order  prop- 
erly issued  in  any  case  where  the  motive  for  emigration  was  found  in 
political  or  religious  persecution. 

Thus,  as  has  already  been  stated,  under  this  plan  the  issues  involved 
in  the  trans- Atlantic  and  the  trans-Pacific  immigrations  would  be  joined, 
and  reasonably  so,  for  there  has  been  a  problem  of  large  numbers  in 
the  so-called  "newer  immigration."  What  the  situation  will  be  after 
the  present  war  is  not  clear ;  we  .can  only  guess,  but  there  is  the  possi- 
bility of  large  numbers  once  the  work  of  reconstruction  has  been  com- 
pleted and  the  weight  of  the  inevitable  tax  burden  is  felt.  The  best 
students  of  the  subject  of  immigration — those  who  can  look  beyond 
things  merely  personal  to  things  in  their  collectivity,  are  generally 
agreed  that  radical  restriction  has  been  needed.  They  agree  with  the 
recent  Immigration  Commission  that  we  have  had  "an  over-supply  of 
unskilled  labor  in  the  industries  of  the  country  as  a  whole,  and  a 
condition  of  retarded  improvement  with  some  deterioration  of  labor 
conditions  which  demanded  legislation  restricting  the  further  admis- 
sion of  unskilled  labor."  They  are  generally  agreed,  moreover,  that 

34 


this  problem  is  closely  connected  with  the  fact  that  more  than  four- 
fifths  of  the  European  immigration  has  recently  been  from  the  south- 
ern and  eastern  countries,  which  have  the  lowest  standards,  and  the 
immigrants  from  which  are  most  congested  in  their  occupations  and 
residence  as  compared  to  the  distribution  of  the  native-born.  All  agree 
that  in  the  case  of  the  "newer  immigration"  there  are  greater  differ- 
ences in  institutions  and  customs  than  in  the  case  of  immigrants  from 
Northwestern  Europe  to  be  overcome  in  the  process  of  assimilation. 
Most  students  are  agreed  that  the  South  and  East  Europeans  taken 
as  a  whole  are  less  sensitive  than  the  Northwest  Europeans  to  the 
American  environment,  and  that  a  situation  has  developed  in  the  indus- 
trial centers  of  the  East  in  which  assimilation  has  proceeded  in  halting 
an  uncertain  fashion  and  out  of  which  numerous  problems  of  local 
government,  administration  and  institutions  have  developed.  Some 
argue  that  a  wider  distribution  is  all  that  would  have  been  required, 
but  it  is  probably  true  that  it  would  have  served  to  lower  temporarily 
the  content  of  the  labor  reservoir  and  then  to  increase  the  inflow  from 
abroad.  If  so,  high  birth  rates  would  continue  the  inflow  indefinitely. 
A  problem  of  dependency  was  developing  out  of  the  influx,  and  a 
proper  use  of  the  data  available  shows  that  some  prominent  elements 
in  the  immigration  from  the  southern  countries  complicate  and  make 
more  difficult  the  problem  of  maintaining  law  and  order.  Before  the 
war  our  biggest  problem  was  found  in  the  trans-Atlantic  immigration. 
Would  it  not  be  well  to  safeguard  ourselves  against  its  possible  return  ? 

It  was  stated  a  while  ago  that  under  the  plan  suggested  there  would 
be  no  material  change  in  the  trans- Pacific  immigration.  This  w'as 
based  upon  the  assumption,  however,  that  the  present  effective  bar 
against  re-migration  of  Asiatics  from  Hawaii  to  the  mainland  would 
be  retained  or  a  desirable  substitute  found  for  it.  Without  such  a  bar 
an  influx  like  that  of  ten  years  ago  would  take  place  because  of  the 
inferior  conditions  which  are  found  in  the  Islands.  It  would  result 
in  an  acute  labor  problem  in  the  Islands  and  an  undesirable  situation 
here.  I  should  not  advocate  any  plan  which  would  involve  a  re- 
migration  from  Honolulu  to  the  mainland. 

Legislation  along  the  lines  suggested,  supported  by  effective  re- 
strictions upon  re-migration  of  the  kind  mentioned,  while  leaving  the 
numbers  admitted  not  materially  different  from  those  during  the  last 
few  years,  would  relieve  the  Japanese  government  of  the  embarrass- 
ment of  the  agreement  in  a  way  forced  upon  it  and  the  criticism  of 
those  of  its  subjects  who  maintain  that  it  was  adopted  only  to  save 
Japan's  face  and  was  expected  to  be  temporary.  Moreover,  it  would 
safeguard  the  situation  in  the  event  that  the  position  of  the  govern- 
ment should  be  changed  by  growing  democracy.  It  would  meet  the 

35 


position  of  our  own  people  who  maintain  that  the  right  to  control 
immigration  is  a  sovereign  right  and  that  this  should  be  exercised,  not 
compromised.  But  most  important  of  all,  it  would  disabuse  many  of 
our  people  of  the  erroneous  impression  that  many  laborers  are  actually 
being  admitted,  or,  in  the  absence  of  strong  opposition  displayed,  would 
be  admitted,  to  the  United  States,  and  would  go  far  to  prevent  dis- 
crimination by  law  and  otherwise.  My  investigations  have  convinced 
me  that  there  is  a  widespread  feeling  that  many  in  some  way  or  other 
are  admitted.  Others  feel  that  in  the  absence  of  organized  opposition, 
the  agreement  would  not  be  effectively  administered. 

Much  of  the  opposed  legislation  has  not  been  directed  at  serious 
problems  but  has  appealed  because  anti-Asiatic  and  because  it  was  felt 
to  be  necessary  in  order  to  prevent  an  influx  of  new  immigrants.  A 
measure  of  the  kind  suggested  should  go  far  to  relieve  the  situation 
in  so  far  as  connected  with  mistaken  views  of  what  is  actually  occur- 
ring and  with  the  apprehension  of  what  might  take  place.  Moreover, 
it  would  not  stand  in  the  way  of  literacy  or  other  selective  tests  if  they 
should  be  desired. 

Thus,  it  is  maintained  that  restriction  of  immigration  in  general  is 
needed.  If  proper -provision  is  made  for  those  persecuted,  the  restric- 
tions imposed  should  discriminate  in  their  effects  but  not  in  terms 
against  the  races  of  South  and  East  Europe.  They  should  discrimi- 
nate in  their  effects,  but  not  expressly,  still  more  against  immigrant 
laborers  from  Asia,  who  withoout  restriction  are  the  cheapest  and 
frequently  the  best  organized  and  have  the  most  injurious  effects  in 
competition,  who  institutionally  and  in  thought  and  in  mode  of  life 
have  more  to  be  overcome  in  assimilation,  who  are  handicapped  by  an 
obvious  difference  in  color,  and  who,  moreover,  find  a  natural  stopping- 
place  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  so  that  the  effects  of  their  immigration 
would  be  concentrated  upon  a  limited  territory.  The  plan  suggested 
is  believed  to  have  merit  in  that  it  is  restrictive,  is  general  and  non- 
discriminatory  in  form,  would  discriminate  only  reasonably  in  its 
effects,  would  correct  false  impressions  with  reference  to  Japanese 
immigration,  and  would  not  stand  in  the  way  of  such  individual  selec- 
tive tests  as  might  be  considered  desirable. 

Coming  to  unsettled  problems  relative  to  the  treatment  of  Japanese 
residing  in  the  United  States,  one  of  the  most  serious  is  found  in  the 
political  disability  under  which  they  labor.  At  present  Japanese, 
Chinese,  and  other  eastern  Asiatic  subjects,  because  neither  white  nor 
black,  are  ineligible  to  become  American  citizens  by  process  of  naturali- 
zation. Some  of  the  western  Asiatics  stand  in  the  shadow  of  doubt. 
Though  the  disability  under  which  all  save  the  Chinese  rest,  is  not  the 
result  of  discriminatory  legislation  directed  against  them,  but  merely 


incidental  under  a  law  given  shape  many  years  ago  and  interpreted  by 
the  courts,  the  invidious  distinction  between  races  has  come  to  be  re- 
garded by  the  Japanese  as  "hurtful  to  their  just  national  susceptibility," 
and  the  reasonableness  of  the  law  was  officially  raised  in  the  long- 
drawn-out  correspondence  over  the  California  land  law.  Certainly  the 
political  disability  has  opened  the  way  for  discriminatory  legislation 
of  the  kind  just  mentioned.  Moreover,  the  Japanese  feel  that  it  is 
unjust  to  withhold  from  them  rights  which  foreigners  may  enjoy  in 
Japan  and  which  the  Japanese  themselves  have  in  Canada.  They  nat- 
urally desire  equal  treatment  under  the  law. 

As  a  matter  of  principle,  all  aliens  admitted  to  this  country,  regard- 
less of  race,  should  be  admitted  to  a  full  partnership  in  our  institu7 
tions  as  soon  as  they  as  individuals  are  properly  prepared  to  exercise 
their  rights  and  are  willing  to  accept  the  responsibilities  which  must 
go  hand  in  hand  with  rights.  The  reasons  assigned  by  those  who 
oppose  an  amendment  of  the  naturalization  law  so  as  to  permit  the 
Japanese  admitted  to  become  citizens  do  not  seem  to  me  to  be  sufficient 
to  support  their  case.  It  must  be  admitted  of  course  that  the  Japanese 
have  much  of  mediaeval  loyalty  to  their  native  government.  Rapid 
strides  in  economic  matters  have  not  as  yet  greatly  affected  the  concept 
of  the  state  held  by  those  who  have  not  emigrated.  Yet  it  is  undoubt- 
edly true  that  most  of  those  who  have  decided  to  settle  here  perma- 
nently have  had  their  mode  of  thought  considerably  changed,  and  it 
is  probably  true  that  those  who  sought  the  privilege  of  citizenship 
would  accept  its  responsibilities  in  pretty  much  the  same  degree  as  they 
have  been  accepted  by  some  of  our  European- Americans  who  have  im- 
migrated from  countries  where  the  attitude  toward  the  state  is  not 
materially  different  from  that  in  Japan. 

Of  course  a  Japanese  vote  might  develop,  but,  if  it  did,  it  would 
not  be  unique  in  our  political  history.  In  any  event  the  number  of 
votes  would  be  small.  This  might  not  be  true  in  Hawaii,  however, 
where  the  Japanese  and  Chinese  constitute  a  majority  of  the  popula- 
tion. But  this  raises  the  question  as  to  the  terms  on  which  citizenship 
should  be  conferred.  Under  a  proper  naturalization  law  only  a  com- 
paratively small  percentage  of  the  aliens  residing  there  could  become 
naturalized. 

In  advocating  an  amendment  of  the  naturalization  law  so  that  it 
shall  not  discriminate  against  any  race,  I  would  not  advocate  a  mere 
extension  of  the  present  law.  Though  the  abuses  under  it  are  not  so 
great  as  they  once  were,  in  many  places  its  administration  is  little  short 
of  a  farce.  We  cannot  be  said  to  have  in  operation  any  well-defined 
requirements  always  and  everywhere  to  be  met  by  those  who  seek 
citizenship.  We  hold  citizenship  too  cheap  and  pay  dearly  for  it.  The 

37 


law  should  be  administered  by  specialized  naturalization  courts  and 
citizenship  should  be  conferred  only  upon  those  who  can  read  and 
write  English  understandingly,  who  know  the  structure  of  and  prin- 
ciples underlying  our  government,  and  who  have  an  acceptable  knowl- 
edge of  our  history.  But  the  law  should  be  changed  so  as  to  make  all 
who  possess  these  qualifications  eligible  and  provision  should  be  made 
to  enable  immigrants  of  all  races  to  meet  the  tests. 

Thus  I  would  advocate  a  general  naturalization  law  based  upon  in- 
dividual merit  and  not  at  all  upon  the  matter  of  race.  Such  a  law  would 
be  based  upon  good  principle,  would  remove  all  contested  cases  growing 
out  of  doubtful  eligibility,  would  tend  to  prevent  discriminatory  legis- 
lation, and  would  undoubtedly  do  more  just  now  than  anything  else  to 
further  harmonious  relations  with  the  people  across  the  Pacific  which 
unites  as  well  as  divides  us.  At  the  same  time  it  may  be  observed  that 
the  time  will  soon  come  when  the  number  of  native-born  Japanese 
citizens  will  be  as  large  as  the  number  who  could  qualify  for  citizen- 
ship granted  on  proper  terms.  Their  attitude  as  citizens  will  depend 
to  a  considerable  extent  upon  the  rights  enjoyed  by  their  fathers.  The 
objections  to  such  a  law,  extending  rights  enjoyed  by  whites  and  blacks 
to  races  of  a  different  color,  can  be  easily  exaggerated — especially  if  it 
is  adopted  along  with  a  general  restrictive  immigration  law.  That  they 
may  easily  be  exaggerated  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  while  we  have 
forbidden  the  naturalization  of  Chinese  in  this  country,  those  who 
gained  citizenship  in  Hawaii  at  an  earlier  time  are  generally  regarded 
as  a  good  class  of  conservative  voters. 

With  an  amendment  of  the  naturalization  laws  of  the  kind  sug- 
gested, the  California  and  Arizona  land  acts  would  cease  to  be  effective 
for  they  merely  place  limitations  upon  those  ineligible  to  citizenship. 
It  is  my  opinion  that  they  were  mistakenly  adopted  and  were  unjust, 
impolitic  and  unnecessary.  Yet,  I  would  not  be  understood  to  main- 
tain that  in  California  there  was  not  a  problem  in  some  communities 
closely  connected  with  permanent  tenure  of  the  land — largely  because  of 
the  settlement  of  Japanese  in  colonies.  Nor  do  I  wish  to  be  understood 
as  maintaining  that  were  the  prohibition  of  land  ownership  rendered 
ineffective,  no  local  problems  would  develop.  There  is  a  problem  con- 
nected with  an  extensive  colonization  and  a  partial  assimilation  which 
must  be  solved  if  confusion  and  discord  are  to  be  avoided  and  right  re- 
lations maintained. 

Representing  a  very  different  civilization,  clannish  in  unusual  degree, 
seeking  much  the  same  thing,  and  discriminated  against  and  more  or 
less  avoided  by  most  of  the  other  elements  in  the  population,  of  course 
the  majority  of  the  Japanese  have  settled  in  restricted  localities  and 
are  more  or  less  colonized.  Colonies  have  their  advantages  in  meeting 
the  needs  of  a  people  in  so  far  as  they  remain  foreign.  But  unfor- 

38 


Innately  the  very  existence  of  the  colony  makes  assimilation  difficult, 
tends  to  give  its  members  inferior  standing,  and  to  cause  the  locality 
to  be  less  desirable  for  residence  by  others.  With  the  colony  the  full 
complement  of  Japanese  institutions  appears,  association  is  chiefly  with 
members  of  the  one  race,  the  learning  English  is  retarded,  and  the 
native  bonds  loosen  slowly  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Japanese  are 
very  sensitive  to  certain  parts  of  their  environment.  In  the  absence  of 
colonies,  Americanization  appears  to  proceed  fairly  rapidly  and  no 
important  community  effects  are  to  be  noted.  Livingston  affords  a 
case  in  point.  In  that  community  there  has  been  no  conflict  of  standards 
and  no  important  colonization  and  the  situation  is  normal  according  to 
American  standards.  Though  the  white  residents  may  state  that  they 
would  prefer  families  of  their  own  color,  the  Japanese  are  well  re- 
ceived and  have  good  standing  in  the  community.  But  unfortunately 
there  seems  to  be  no  way  in  which  the  colony  can  be  attacked  directly. 
Time  and  more  rapid  assimilation  must  undermine  it  if  it  is  to  dis- 
appear. 

As  has  already  been  stated,  with  any  large  immigration  it  is  be- 
lieved that  assimilation  of  the  Japanese  would  not  take  place.  The 
problem  would  be  complicated,  as  it  has  been  in  the  past,  by  friction 
and  discrimination.  With  a  narrowly  restricted  immigration,  however, 
friction  over  the  clash  of  economic  standards  has  tended  to  diminish 
and  eventually  discrimination  will  perhaps  disappear.  Certainly  much 
should  be  said  for  an  educational  campaign  to  remove  misunderstand- 
ing so  that  its  disappearance  will  be  hastened. 

Of  course  the  Japanese  are  being  assimilated.  Those  who  return 
to  Japan  after  some  years  spent  in  the  United  States,  find  the  situa- 
tion difficult  if  not  intolerable  and  frequently  return  here  to  reside 
permanently.  Yet  the  problem  of  assimilation  is  present  and  in  in- 
terest of  present  and  future  relations  it  should  be  attacked  vigorously. 
It  calls  for  much  more  effort  than  has  been  as  yet  put  forth.  Though 
the  Japanese  themselves  have  done  more  than  any  other  race  to  pro- 
vide facilities  for  teaching  the  English  language,  more  extensive  facil- 
ities should  be  provided  as  a  part  of  an  internal  immigration  policy. 
There  should  be  cooperaton  between  the  school  authorities  and  the 
Japanese  association  of  each  locality  and  night  schools  should  be  pro- 
vided for  the  adults.  The  Christian  mission  churches  are  doing  much 
of  value,  but  the  provision  for  carrying  forward  their  work  is  not 
adequate.  Without  passing  judgment  upon  the  relative  merits  of  dif- 
ferent religions  for  different  peoples,  it  may  be  said  that  nothing  save 
the  use  of  a  common  language  seems  to  be  of  more  value  than  the 
spread  of  Christianity  in  the  process  of  assimilation  of  the  Japanese. 
Its  importance  has  appealed  to  me  more  and  more  as  I  have  watched 
the  changes  going  on  in  different  communities.  It  is  not  too  much  to 

39 


say  that  here  at  home  we  have  the  best  opportunity  to  support  needed 
missionary  work,  to  be  done  of  course  along  the  lines  upon  which  that 
best  done  proceeds.  After  the  process  of  assimilation  has  taken  place 
to  a  certain  extent,  the  native  born  element  will  do  much  to  hasten  it 
if  it  is  not  prevented  by  discrimination  from  occupying  the  normal 
place  it  will  wish,  provided  the  older  elements  do  not  prove  to  be  too 
conservative,  and  in  so  far  as  they  control  the  situation,  bring  them 
up  as  Japanese. 

With  the  clannishness  natural  to  the  Japanese,  the  respect  for  their 
elders,  the  differences  representing  diverse  civilizations  to  be  over- 
come, and  the  situation  which  obtains,  considerable  time  will  be  required 
to  make  much  headway  even  with  small  numbers.  The  progress  made 
will  depend  largely  upon  the  degree  of  cooperation  between  the  diverse 
elements  in  the  community.  The  question  should  be  raised  whether 
the  organizations  of  the  Japanese  should  not  be  less  official  in  their 
aspects,  less  shaped  as  though  the  country  was  to  be  colonized  and 
exploited  for  gain,  and  be  conducted  more  than  they  generally  are  with 
reference  to  securing  the  adoption  of  American  standards.  The  ques- 
tion should  be  raised,  also,  whether  something  can  not  be  done  to 
secure  a  more  general  observance  of  Sunday,  and  to  give  wromen  the 
\  place  in  the  family  and  the  family  life  we  expect  in  the  United  States. 
However  much  it  may  be  needed,  the  general  practice  of  having  the 
women  gainfully  occupied  in  men's  work  in  the  field,  can  not  but 
alienate  the  native  element  and  give  the  Japanese  lower  standing  in 
the  communities  in  which  they  reside.  When  a  people  is  admitted  to 
the  country,  their  presence  imposes  obligations  upon  the  native  popu- 
lation. We  have  been  neglectful  in  this  matter.  But  when  admission 
is  secured,  it  imposes  an  obligation  upon  the  newcomers  to  give  heed 
to  the  normal  standards  of  the  country  to  which  they  have  been  ad- 
mitted. Both  the  Asiatic  and  the  white  races  are  on  trial  in  the  West. 
The  final  outcome  is  important.  Will  the  white  races,  when  their  in- 
stitutions are  safeguarded  by  a  narrowly  restricted  immigration,  give 
necessary  opportunity  and  cooperation  and  avoid  evils  and  friction? 
Will  those  admitted  retain  their  clannishness  and  seek  chiefly  to  make 
gain  rather  than  strive  to  become  Americans  ? 


Japanese  Education  in  America 

By  Kiyo  Sue  Inni,  Secretary  of  the  Japan  Society  of  America. 


The  Pacific  Ocean,  some  one  has  said,  will  either  divide  or  unite 
us.  With  a  contracting  world,  a  world  that  is  getting  smaller  every 
day,  our  starting  point  in  the  discussion  on  the  solution  of  any  prob- 

40 


lem  will  necessarily  be  based  upon  the  presumption  that  the  Pacific 
Ocean  will  be  the  theater  of  unified  action,  cooperation,  and  mutual 
sympathies. 

If  there  is  anyone  in  the  audience  who  has  an  erroneous  idea  that 
the  attitude  of  the  people  on  the  Pacific  Coast  toward  Orientals  is 
getting  worse,  I  would  like  to  correct  it.  True,  Japan  is  a  greater 
nation  than  before,  and  therefore,  for  some  people  a  much  better  sub- 
ject for  notoriety  or  "grand-stand  play"  without  incurring  any  political 
damage,  as  the  Japanese  do  not  vote ;  hence  the  Japanese  question  was 
given  greater  publicity.  But  within  the  last  few  years,  the  feeling  of 
the  people  on  the  Pacific  Coast  toward  the  Japanese,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  or  two  places,  has  changed  wonderfully  for  the  better. 
What,  then,  is  the  real  problem? 

It  was  America  that  first  invited  Japan  to  open  her  doors  to  the 
world.  It  was  America  that  introduced  Japan  to  western  civilization 
and  ideals  sixty  years  ago.  Before  that  time  Japan  was  sleeping  an 
uninterrupted  sleep  of  250  years  in  one  stretch — I  mean  so  far  as  her 
contact  with  the  western  world  is  concerned.  She  preferred  to  live 
by  herself.  She  was  contented  with  the  progress  she  was  then  making. 
She  was  satisfied  with  her  achievements  in  the  arts  of  peace.  She  did 
not  care  to  open  her  doors,  but  you  sent  Commodore  Perry  and  told 
her :  "Now,  Japan,  it  wont  do  for  you  to  remain  so  long  in  seclusion. 
Why,  this  is  the  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century !  Japan,  you  must 
wake  up  and  seize  your  opportunity ;  you  must  open  your  doors." 

What  could  we  do  ?  We  simply  had  to  open  our  doors  for  western 
civilization.  You  then  said :  "We  will  send  you  teachers,  missionaries, 
advisers,  merchants."  So  we  submitted  to  the  inevitable  and  welcomed 
them.  Again  you  told  us :  "Japan,  you  had  better  send  your  students, 
merchants,  teachers,  mechanics,  and  farmers  to  America."  We  did  so, 
were  received,  and  as  a  result,  ninety-five  thousand  of  us  are  now  in 
this  country.  But  after  some  stay  in  this  country  we  have  learned  of 
a  peculiar  political  institution,  of  state  and  national  governments.  We 
have  learned  of  extraordinary  confusion  and  a  heterogeneous  mass  of 
human  races.  We  have  found  out  some  of  the  sad  experiences  of  the 
Irish  in  Boston,  of  the  Jews  in  New  York,  of  the  Germans  in  Philadel- 
phia, of  the  Italians  in  New  Orleans,  and  of  the  Chinese  in  San  Fran- 
cisco. We  have  learned  that  each  succeeding  race  has  had  to  suffer 
similar  exploitation,  embarrassment  and  discomfort.  And,  for  the  last 
five  or  six  years,  the  Japanese  have  had  their  turn  and  been  forced  to 
face  the  volley  of  these  arguments. 

However,  we  appreciate  the  history  and  the  spirit  of  America.  We 
appreciate  also  the  peculiar  political  institutions  of  this  country.  We 
appreciate  the  strength  and  weakness  of  democracy  and  have  appreci- 
ated not  a  little  American  friendship  and  kindness  in  returning  to  us 

41 


the  Shimonoki  indemnity ;  the  release  of  exterritoriality  and  the  recog- 
nition of  Japan  as  a  member  of  the  civilized  nations,  and,  above  all, 
America's  moral  and  financial  support  at  the  time  of  the  China- Japa- 
nese war  and  the  Russo-Japanese  war.  Not  only  that,  but  we  appreci- 
ate the  fundamental  principle  of  sovereignty,  that  it  lies  with  America 
to  say  who  shall  come  to  her  country  and  who  shall  not. 

In  the  case  of  the  Chinese,  you  actually  shut  your  doors  against 
them  by  exclusion  laws.  In  fact,  you  slammed  your  doors  at  the 
Golden  Gate.  We  do  not  care,  as  an  independent  nation,  to  go  through 
the  same  experience  of  humiliation  as  did  the  Chinese.  So  we  thought 
it  better,  more  politic,  more  expedient,  more  friendly,  and,  above  all, 
more  neighborly,  to  shut  our  doors  in  Japan  so  that  we  could  not  get 
out.  This  is  what  you  call  "The  Gentlemen's  Agreement."  Japan 
herself  agreed  not  to  send  any  more  laborers  to  this  country. 

If  you  compare  the  statistics  within  the  last  seven  years  you  will 
find  that  there  are  now  in  this  country  several  thousand  fewer  Japanese 
than  there  were  several  years  ago.  About  five  Japanese  have  been 
going  back  to  about  three  and  a  half  or  four  coming  in,  and  those  four 
are  coming  back  mostly  for  a  second  time,  while  the  rest  are  immediate 
relatives,  wives,  and  children  of  those  who  are  already  here  with  suffi- 
cient means  to  support  them. 

In  1908,  for  instance,  there  were  103,000  Japanese  in  this  country, 
and  three  years  after  the  Gentlemen's  Agreement  went  into  effect,  that 
number  became  91,000,  and  the  record  of  1908  has  never  been  reached. 
Even  last  year,  when  many  came  to  this  coast  on  account  of  the  Fair, 
it  reached  only  the  ninety-nine  thousand  mark ;  but  this  number  seems 
to  be  only  temporary  as  indicated  by  the  movements  of  the  Japanese 
in  June,  1915,  when  four  hundred  and  fifteen  more  went  to  Japan  than 
came  from  that  country.  Therefore,  while  the  immigration  question 
is  one  of  America's  greatest  problems,  so  far  as  Japan  is  concerned 
there  is  no  immigration  question ;  for  Japan  is  restricting  her  emigrants 
in  Japan. 

Allowing  the  population  of  the  United  States  to  be  about  ninety- live 
v     million,  the  Japanese  constitute  only  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent.     Cali- 
*  fornia  has  about  sixty-five  per  cent  of  this  number,  or  one  and  one- 
half  per  cent   of   its   population.      The   question   with    the     Japanese 
therefore,   is  not  what  to  do  with  Japanese  immigrants,   but   rather, 
what  to  do  with  those  already  here  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States ;  what  to  do  with  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent  of  the  American 
population — or,  one  and  one-half  per  cent  of  the  inhabitants  of  Cali- 
fornia. 

Some  have  called  the  problem  a  political  one.  IUit  I  have  failed  to 
find  it  so,  although  it  has  often  been  a  "politician's"  question.  Some 

42 


have  called  it  an  economic  question.  The  impatient  wage  earners 
have  cried  that  the  Japanese  work  so  cheaply  that  they  lower  the 
standard  of  living  and  wages.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  if  they  had  post- 
poned their  complaint  until  1910,  they  would  have  found  out  from  the 
special  commission  of  the  state  appointed  in  1910  to  investigate  the 
Japanese  labor  condition,  that  an  average  Japanese  agricultural  laborer 
was  getting  as  much  as  any  other  laborer  engaged  in  the  same  grade 
of  work.  Then  there  are  still  others  who  call  the  question  racial.  But 
to  my  mind  it  is  largely  a  question  of  assimilation  and  education,  in 
which  we  are  particularly  interested  this  afternoon.  The  natural  ques- 
tion now  arises;  how  much  of  the  Japanese  do  w,e  have  to  make  over? 
What  kind  of  education  does  he  need?  Close  observation  reveals  the 
fact  that  in  essentials  there  is  a  unity  between  the  American  and  the 
Japanese ;  in  non-essentials  there  may  be  some  similarities  or  differ- 
ences between  them.  As,  for  instance,  politeness ;  your  politeness  con- 
sists mostly  in  praising  and  elevating  others,  but  leaving  yourselves 
where  you  are.  Japanese  politeness  consists  in  leaving  others  where 
they  are  and  humiliating  or  belittling  themselves.  Although  the  form 
may  be  different,  they  both  believe  in  the  essential,  politeness. 

Again,  w7e  often  ridicule  the  Englishman's  lack  of  humor,  but  every 
nation  has  a  humor  of  its  own.  If  the  Englishman  "cracks"  a  typical 
English  joke,  you  may  not  appreciate  it  as  quickly  as  you  ought  to. 
For  instance,  a  few  years  ago  I  was  in  England  and  gave  that  Ameri- 
can illustration  of  the  distinction  between  an  optimist  and  a  pessimist 
with  that  familiar  story  of  the  doughnut.  You  say  an  optimist  sees 
the  doughnut  and  the  pessimist  sees  the  hole.  They  did  not  even  smile, 
and  I  repeated  it  again  and  again  in  vain.  But  next  day,  in  the  dining- 
room  of  my  hotel,  I  found  out  that  English  doughnuts  did  not  have 
holes !  So  you  see  the  trouble  was  not  in  the  lack  of  humor  in  the 
Englishmen  but  rather  with  the  doughnuts. 

Whatever  is  wrong  here  is  wrong  in  Japan.  What  is  immoral  in 
Japan  is  not  moral  here.  Politeness,  modesty,  generosity,  thoughtful- 
ness,  kindness,  truthfulness,  filial  piety  are  the  universal  virtues  though 
we  may  express  or  perform  them  in  different  forms  or  manners.  So, 
when  it  comes  to  a  basic  question  of  morals,  principles  and  ideals,  we 
do  not  need  to  expect  very  much  of  a  change  in  a  Japanese.  Even  in 
the  fundamentals  of  the  religions  of  the  East  and  West  we  find  a  great 
deal  of  similarity. 

Assimilation  of  the  Japanese  consists  largely  in  the  education  in 
non-essentials,  such  as  customs,  habits,  manners  and  ideas  (not  ideals), 
all  of  which  can  comparatively  easily  be  taught  through  language.  The 
question,  therefore,  is  largely  one  of  sociological,  and  not  biological, 
assimilation. 

43 


I  believe  with  Professor  Edward  Steiner,  an  eminent  immigration 
authority,  who  says,  "Blood  is  thicker  than  water,  but  language  is 
thicker  than  blood."  The  Japanese  are  fast  acquiring  the  English  lan- 
guage, American  habits  and  American  customs.  Miners  perhaps  need 
the  spoken  language  least  of  any  laborers  among  whom  statistics  are 
taken.  In  the  Report  of  the  Immigration  Commission,  Volume  23, 
page  155,  you  will  find  that  the  Japanese  compare  very  favorably  with 
any  nation  in  their  ability  to  speak  English : 

No.  of  Persons 
Per  Cent  Interviewed 

47.2 447  Japanese 

34.2 _ -.225  Finns 

23.3.... 479  Slavonians 

22.7 - 214  Slovaks 

18.8.... 245  Poles 

17 ....193  Montenegrins 

14 175  N.  Italians 

9 485  S.  Italians 

While  this  does  not  cover  all  cases,  many  would  agree  by  saying 
that  the  Japanese  are  perhaps  the  most  ambitious  race  in  the  study  of 
the  English  language  and  efforts  to  gain  broader  knowledge. 

There  are  today  no  less  than  fifty  English  language  schools  for 
Japanese  in  the  country,  seventeen  of  them  right  here  in  this  very  city, 
while  many  more  are  taking  private  lessons.  Perhaps  I  am  not  very 
much  mistaken  when  I  say  that  seventy  per  cent  of  those  who  come 
to  this  country  today  can  read  or  write  English. 

Besides  this  education  in  the  English  language,  with  the  last  few 
years  there  has  been  a  great  awakening  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  to 
the  realization  that  they  need  a  wide  and  systematic  education  as  to 
American  habits,  customs  and  institutions.  There  are  no  less  than 
fifty  Japanese  Associations  all  along  the  Pacific  Coast.  The  Japanese 
Association  of  America  is  the  mother  of  thirty-four  of  them  and  it 
might  be  said  that  it  is  the  center  of  Japanese  public  opinion.  For  the 
last  few  years  "assimilation"  has  been  the  watchword  of  the  Japanese 
communities  everywhere.  Two  years  ago,  while  the  anti-alien  land 
law  was  being  discussed  at  Sacramento,  a  convention  was  called  by 
the  Japanese  Association  of  America  and  they  discussed  the  situation. 

Instead  of  showing  any  resentment,  contrary  to  what  one  might 
expect,  the  delegates  of  the  convention  took  upon  their  shoulders  the 
faults  or  shortcomings  that  belonged  to  them.  Instead  of  "fighting" 
the  bill,  they  voted  $30,000  to  educate  the  Japanese  on  the  Pacific 
Coast.  Ever  since,  "the  campaign  of  education"  is  a  household  phrase 
in  Japanese  communities.  Indeed,  as  there  was  no  proper  translation 
for  "campaign  of  education,"  they  invented  a  new  word,  "keihatsun- 

44 


do,"  which  you  hear  today  on  the  lips  of  almost  every  Japanese  on  the 
Pacific  Coast.  Since  then  such  men  as  the  Honorable  S.  Ebara,  mem- 
ber of  the  House  of  Peers  and  President  of  the  Tokyo  Y.  M.  C.  A. ; 
the  Honorable  Y.  Hattori,  ex-member  of  Parliament;  the  Honorable 
S.  Shimada,  speaker  of  the  House,  and  Reverend  Dr.  K.  Tsunajima 
have  been  invited  to  cooperate  with  the  Japanese  workers  on  the  Pa- 
cific Coast  in  their  endeavor  to  give  that  gospel,  "When  in  Rome,  do 
as  the  Romans  do!" — learn  to  speak  as  Americans,  think  as  Ameri- 
cans, feel  and  act  as  Americans.  This  year  the  Reverend  Dr.  D. 
Ebina,  an  eminent  Congregational  divine,  and  his  wife,  and  Mr.  Y. 
Kanamori,  one  of  the  most  influential  leaders  of  Japan,  were  invited 
to  help  in  this  work.  With  the  cooperation  of  these  people  and  many 
others  the  Japanese  Association  of  America  expects  to  carry  on  the 
campaign  which  may  be  grouped  under  four  heads  as  follows : 

1.  General  Social  Education:     Such  as  American  political  insti- 
tutions ;  American  social  conditions,  customs,  habits,  ideas,  and  ideals 
of  Americans ;  American  home  and   religious   life ;   relation   between 
America  and  Japan. 

2.  Moral  Education:     For  example,  responsibility  to  the  commu- 
nity as  a  neighbor ;  obligation  of  contract ;  suppression  of  gambling. 

3.  Sanitary  education :    Under  this  head  it  is  not  necessary  to  say 
anything  except  that  emphasis  will  be  placed  on  the  sanitation  of  camp 
life  in  particular. 

4.  Industrial   Education :     Under   this   head   the   usual   work   of 
Chambers  of  Commerce,  Commercial  Clubs,  Agricultural  Associations, 
will  be  undertaken. 

The  greatest  stress,  however,  will  be  laid  on  the  giving  of  informa- 
tion concerning  the  industrial  and  economic  organizations  of  Americ^ 
and  the  general  uplift  of  business  morality.  Already  the  Japanese 
Central  Agricultural  Association  and  Business-men's  Association  have 
been  organized  to  undertake  the  fourth  department  of  the  campaign. 

Such  an  organization  as  the  Japanese  Interdenominational  Board  of 
Missions  has  been  hard  at  work  to  suppress  gambling  and  reform  shift- 
less people,  although  we  have  found  very  few  of.  them  among  the 
Japanese. 

A  new  force  has  come  to  help  this  work.  Two  years  ago  the 
Japanese  Association  of  American  College  Graduates  was  organized. 
The  Association,  as  the  name  indicates,  is  composed  of  Japanese  col- 
lege men  who  are  American-bred.  Knowing  as  they  do  their  native 
land  as  well  as  their  adopted  country,  they  feel  very  keenly  the  neces- 
sity of  this  campaign.  Heretofore,  most  of  the  Japanese  graduates  of 
American  colleges  have  gone  back  to  Japan.  Indeed,  they  are  making 
a  creditable  showing  for  their  Alma  Maters.  But  members  of  this 

45 


organization  felt  that  there  was  just  as  much  need,  if  not  more,  for 
them  in  this  country  among  Japanese  communities  as  interpreters  and 
connecting  links  between  the  Japanese  and  their  American  neighbors. 

There  are  today  five  hundred  and  seventy-six  Japanese  students  in 
one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  different  colleges  and  universities.  To- 
gether with  those  in  other  higher  institutions  of  learning,  there  are  one 
thousand,  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  Japanese  students  who  are  pur- 
suing higher  education  in  America.  No  doubt  many  more  who  would 
have  gone  to  Germany,  England  or  France  will  come  here,  at  least  for 
some  years  to  come  on  account  of  the  war.  When  these  students  begin 
their  active  lives  of  usefulness  in  this  country  and  interpret  America 
to  the  Japanese,  a  greater  work  will  have  been  done. 

So  much  for  the  education  of  eighty-five  thousand  adult  Japanese. 
Then  what  about  the  education  of  14,142  children.  All  this  number, 
with  the  exception  of  1497,  are  American  born.  They  are  Americans, 
though  very  young,  and  a  very  small  per  cent  of  them,  indeed,  have  as 
yet  reached  the  school  age.  As  we  have  already  noticed,  the  Japanese 
as  an  immigrant  came  to  this  country  only  ten  or  fifteen  years  ago, 
and  their  wives  have  been  coming  here  only  for  the  last  six  or  eight 
years. 

There  are  today  two  hundred  and  ninety-three  Japanese  children 
in  American  high  schools  and  three  thousand  and  eight  in  the  grammar 
schools  scattered  all  over  the  Pacific  Coast.  San  Francisco,  for  ex- 
ample, claims  about  ten  per  cent  of  these  children,  or  about  three 
hundred.  They  are  fairly  well  distributed  among  the  different  schools 
and  no  one  school  has,  as  I  understand  it,  much  more  than  ten  per  cent 
of  this  number.  We  have  no  need  to  worry  about  them  as  they  are 
in  the  midst  of  the  great  system  of  assimilation,  the  melting  pot  of  all 
races,  the  American  public  school. 

The  only  feature  that  I  might  mention,  which  is,  however,  common 
with  all  other  nationalities,  is  the  presence  of  thirty-nine  Japanese 
schools  where  they  teach  the  Japanese  language,  geography  and  history 
one  or  two  hours  a  day  as  supplementary  school  work. 

These  children  are  so  well  Americanized  in  some  cases  that  they 
often  do  not  know  how  to  spell  the  names  of  their  cousins  across  the 
Pacific,  who  often  write  to  them  in  English.  By  this  I  do  not  mean  to 
say  that  we  teach  Japanese  to  these  children  with  any  sense  of  retain- 
ing the  language  of  their  parents,  but  rather  to  teach  them,  as  a  second 
language,  that  language  which  they  need  most  besides  their  mother 
tongue,  which  is  English,  as  you  teach  German  or  French  in  some  other 
schools.  Because  all  of  us  realize  that,  as  neighbors  of  the  Japanese 
across  the  Pacific,  we  shall  have  more  to  do  with  them  than  with  any 
other  nation.  I  hope  some  day  that  the  study  of  the  Japanese  lan- 

46 


guage  may  be  undertaken,  at  least  in  the  schools  of  the  Pacific  Coast, 
one-tenth  as  much  as  the  Japanese  schools  are  teaching  English  to 
their  children.  These  thirty-nine  schools  have  another  duty  to  per- 
form, that  is,  to  teach  Japanese  children,  born  in  Japan,  sufficient 
English  to  enable  them  to  join  the  proper  classes  in  the  regular  public 
schools  and  hasten  them  in  the  procession  of  the  human  races  to  the 
melting  pot. 

Thus,  there  has  not  been  any  Japanese  policy  of  education  of  their 
children  except  to  leave  it  with  you  and  offering  what  little  we  could 
to  help  you.  If  you  would  call  this  a  policy,  our  policy  for  the  chil- 
dren has  been :  Native  land  above  all  and  not  "Vaterland  uber  alles !" 

Roughly  speaking,  this  is  what  we  are  doing  for  the  Japanese  on 
the  Pacific  Coast.  Now  you  may  be  interested  to  know  what  the 
Japanese  leaders  in  Japan  want  us  to  do.  Do  you  suppose  that  these 
Japanese,  invited  to  cooperate  with  us,  would  come  and  say,  "Do  not 
forget  you  country,  your  Mikado,  or  your  ancestors?"  Let  me  give 
you  my  honest  and  sincere  answer.  Japan  is  living,  she  is  moving, 
moving  onward  with  the  current  of  most  modern  thoughts  and  ideas 
much  faster  than  you  can  imagine.  True,  twenty  or  thirty  years  ago 
every  Japanese  who  left  that  country  literally  carried  a  large  Japanese 
flag  in  his  heart ;  so  large  that  he  had  no  room  for  any  affection  f or 
any  other  nation.  But  things  are  different  today.  I  can  give  you  no 
better  illustration  than  to  quote  what  Count  Okuma,  the  present  Prime 
Minister,  who  is  so  dearly  called  "the  grand  old  man  of  Japan,"  said 
to  the  Japanese  emigrants  to  Brazil : 

"You  are  going  to  seek  your  fortune  and  happiness  in  a  strange 
country.  You  are  to  belong  to  that  country.  You  are  in  duty  bound 
first  and  last  to  do  your  best  in  that  country,  for  that  country  and  with 
that  country.  You  are,  therefore,  advised  not  to  compare  the  things 
of  your  home  country  and  those  of  your  adopted  one  with  any  sense 
of  contempt  and  criticism.  First  of  all,  adapt  yourselves  in  the  new 
country,  and  then,  and  then  only,  see  if  you  can  introduce  the  best  that 
japan  can  offer." 

Professor  I.  Abe,  of  Waseda  University,  spoke  these  words  to  a 
Japanese  tourist  party  who  visited  that  country  a  year  ago :  "You  are 
aware  of  the  Japanese  theory  of  marriage  which  signifies  the  death  of 
the  bride  to  her  parental  family  and  birth  in  her  adopted  one.  You 
who  are  leaving  one  family  of  nations  and  are  to  wed  another,  will 
do  well  to  entrust  your  future  entirely  to  your  adopted  country  with 
the  same  spirit  as  the  Japanese  bride." 

Honorable  H.  Eitaki,  former  Japanese  Consul-General  at  Honolulu, 
said  to  the  Japanese  residents  there  at  one  of  their  meetings :  "While 
japan  can  be  much  richer,  yet  she  is  not  quite  so  poor  as  to  anxiously 
await  your  money.  It  is  a  good  thing  to  save  money,  but  better  still 

47 


to  invest  it  and  see  what  good  you  can  do  for  yourself  and  your  coun- 
try, which  now  is  America." 

Honorable  Y.  Ozaki,  former  Mayor  of  Tokyo  and  present  Minister 
of  Justice,  Dr.  J.  Soyeda,  and  many  other  eminent  scholars  and  states- 
men have  all  sounded  the  same  keynote  of  cosmopolitanism  among  the 
Japanese  just  as  though  one  man  wrote  all  of  their  manuscripts.  This 
simply  shows  the  trend  of  the  current  of  thought  among  the  Japanese 
today. 

Buddhism  has  often  been  spoken  of  as  an  obstacle  in  the  assimila- 
tion of  the  Japanese.  I  do  not  care  to  use  the  term  "even  Buddhists" 
in  connection  with  Buddhists.  For  they  too  are  fast  becoming  inf 
enced  by  this  great  current  of  thought  of  world  citizenship.  Arch- 
bishop Asahi,  of  the  Japanese  Buddhist  Church,  who  is  an  old  man  of 
eighty-three,  and  had  the  distinction  of  shaking  hands  with  Commo- 
dore Perry  at  the  age  of  twentV-one,  a  man  whom  you  would  naturally 
expect  to  be  the  model  of  conservatism  and  seclusion,  gave  a  Japanese 
audience  this  advice  a  few  days  ago:  "Love  your  wife,  love  your 
work,  and  love  your  community."  In  other  words,  he  advised  the 
Japanese  to  love  San  Francisco,  love  California,  and  love  America. 
Thus  Japanese  leaders  of  today  have  dedicated  the  future  of  Japan 
to  the  proposition  that  the  test  of  a  great  nation  is  the  power  of  her 
people  to  make  the  world  their  home  wherever  they  go. 

While  I  make  this  admission,  I  am  not  here  to  prophesy  whether 
the  Japanese  will  make  good  Americans.  But  this  we  know,  that  as 
early  as  the  seventh  century,  when  the  Chinese  civilization  came  to 
Japan,  Japan  adopted  and  assimilated  Chinese  literature,  Chinese  arts, 
Chinese  religion  and  institutions  within  a  few  decades.  Again,  in  the 
middle  of  the  Sixteenth  century,  a  few  years  after  the  triumphant 
religious  expedition  of  that  most  devoted  and  energetic  teacher,  Francis 
Xavier,  about  one  million  Japanese  had  been  converted  to  Christianity. 
This  rapid  change  of  conditions  in  Japan  and  assimilation  of  their 
civilizations  in  that  country  characterized  the  way  in  which  modern 
European  and  American  civilizations  have  been  welcomed  in  Japan 
snce  1853.  And  might  I  not  say  without  any  hesitation  what  Japan 
had  done?  Within  the  last  fifty  years  at  least  she  has  become  West- 
ernized and  Americanized  much  faster  than  any  other  nation  in  the 
history  of  the  world. 

Now  how  about  the  Japanese  in  this  country?  While  today  it  is 
impossible  to  find  a  pure  race  anywhere  on  the  face  of  the  globe,  it  is 
true  that  the  Japanese  are  a  mixture  of  all  the  Far  Eastern  races,  and 
can  easily  adapt  themselves  in  almost  any  clime  or  civilization. 

While  I  am  not  quite  ready  to  accept  the  statement  of  Henry  Ward 
Beecher,  who  said :  "Let  them  come,  we  will  swallow  them  all,"  I 

48 


do  want  to  say  that  America  is  the  greatest  power  of  assimilation  of 
all  nations  in  the  history  of  the  world.  We  have  noticed  this  fact : 
That  Japanese  children  born  in  this  country  are,  on  the  whole  taller 
and  their  complexions  fairer  than  their  parents.  This  is  especially  true 
of  Japanese  girls,  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  food  and  climatic  conditions. 

The  writer  has  a  friend  who  has  a  little  boy  five  years  of  age. 
Upon  coming  home  from  kindergarten  one  day,  he  was  crying  very 
hard.  When  asked  the  reason,  the  boy  earnestly  replied:  "Papa, 
today  they  were  talking  about  a  war  between  America  and  Japan. 
Papa,  you  were  born  in  Japan ;  you  are  a  Japanese.  I  .was  born  in 
this  country ;  I  am  an  American.  I  am  afraid  I  will  have  to  fight  you !" 

Many  Japanese  are  naturalized  in  Canada.  When  war  was  de- 
clared against  the  Germanic  allies,  some  thousand  Canadian-Japanese 
volunteered  to  fight  for  the  cause  of  their  adopted  country. 

And  yet  I  do  not  mean  to  conclude  as  to  the  assimilability  of  the 
Japanese.  How  can  you  tell  whether  a  nation  will  become  assimilated 
inside  of  ten  or  fifteen  years.  That  is  the  length  of  time  we  have  been 
here.  You  used  to  say  the  Germans  would  never  forget  their  Father 
land  even  after  they  were  here  two  or  three  generations.  You  know 
that  they  make  good  American  citizens.  You  used  to  say  the  same 
thing  about  the  Irish ;  you  used  to  say  that  they  are  good  fighters  but 
they  will  not  make  good  American  citizens ;  but  when  these  good  fight- 
ers come  to  America  they  not  only  make  good  American  citizens  but 
become  so  assimilated  they  even  turn  into  peace  officers. 

So,  friends,  we  do  not  know  whether  we  will  make  good  Ameri- 
cans or  not,  although  we  have  some  notion  on  this  point.  All  we  can 
say  at  this  time  is  this :  Such  societies  as  the  Japanese  Association  of 
America,  the  Association  of  American  College  Graduates,  the  Japanese 
Interdenominational  Board  of  Missions  and  the  Japan  Society  of 
America,  of  which  I  am  secretary,  are  doing  their  best  to  make  the 
Japanese  in  this  country — at  least  on  the  Pacific  Coast — some  day, 
when  given  a  chance,  the  best  Americans  possible.  All  we  ask  of  you 
is,  are  you  willing  to  give  us  a  fair  chance  to  do  so? 

If  you  welcome  Europeans  with  open  arms  and  Orientals  at  tlv* 
point  of  the  finger ;  if  you  welcome  Europeans  with  confidence  and 
Orientals  with  suspicion ;  if  you  give  the  Germans  the  right  to  partici- 
pate in  politics  and  make  the  Japanese  pawns  in  the  political  chess 
game;  if  you  allow  Italians  the  right  to  own  land  and  become  perma- 
nent residents  and  compel  the  Japanese  to  lease  land  for  no  more  tha.^ 
three  years  at  the  most,  force  him  to  move  about  the  country  with  his 
blankets  on  his  shoulders  without  being  able  to  make  a  home  for  ]- 
dear  little  boy  or  girl,  who  by  birthright  is  an  American  citizen;  the 
solution  of  one  of  America's  problems  is  bound  to  be  unnatural,  liable 

49 


to  be  unfair,  possibly  un-American  and  even  un-Christian.    All  we  ask 
is  a  fair  understanding  and  a  fair  chance. 

Let  me  repeat  again,  we  know  our  weakness,  we  are  doing  our  best 
to  correct  it.  Will  you,  the  makers  of  future  America,  will  you,  in 
whose  hands  the  assimilation  of  future  America  is  entrusted,  will  you 
help  us  and  cooperate  with  us? 


Chinese  Immigration 


By  Kcc  Owvang,  Exposition  Commissioner,  Former  Consul 
at  San  Francisco. 


Let  me  have  the  pleasure  of  raising  the  question  at  the  outset  as 
to  what  is  the  Chinese  Exclusion  Law.  What  is  the  essence  of  the 
spirit  of  it  all?  Is  it  born  of  justice  or  otherwise?  I  think  if  you  will 
take  the  pains  and  trouble  of  finding  it  out  for  your  own  satisfaction 
and  information,  you  will  readily  observe  that  the  Exclusion  Law  is 
the  outcome  of  a  long  series  of  unwise  legislation  in  one  of  the  chap- 
ters of  American  history. 

To  be  sure,  the  trouble  dated  back  to  the  time  when  the  Chinese 
and  their  Occidental  brothers  first  came  in  contact  with  one  another  in 
the  days  of  '49 — in  the  days  of  mad  rush  after  gold  in  California,  and 
railroad  construction  on  the  western  coast. 

Doubtless  there  were  differences,  strife  and  contention  among  them 
in  the  placer  mines,  which  would  inevitably  arise  when  people  of  divers 
tongues,  manners  and  customs  come  together  for  the  first  time.  It  was 
even  difficult  for  the  working  people  of  the  various  European  nations 
to  get  along  well  together  in  the  earlier  days  of  California,  but  we  can 
easily  imagine  the  greater  differences  existing  between  the  Chinese 
and  the  white  people  whose  religion  and  education  have  made  them 
think  and  act  entirely  different  from  one  another.  In  consequence, 
misunderstanding  and  discord  were  bound  to  arise.  The  early  politi- 
cal leaders  and  other  agitators,  instead  of  attempting  to  alleviate  con- 
ditions, instilled  in  the  people  at  large  hatred  and  prejudice  which  I 
think  you  will  agree  with  me  were  unwarranted  and  unreasonable. 

Hdwever.  we  must  not  forget  that  most  of  these  Chinese  laborers 
came  here  at  that  time,  at  the  invitation  of  the  United  States.  The 
right  of  so  coming  of  the  Chinese  people  was  guaranteed  under  solemn 
treaty  between  China  and  the  United  States,  which  treaty  existed  until 
1880.  The  Chinese  were  then  no  longer  desirable,  and  because  of  all 
these  agitations  and  clamor  of  all  the  mischief-makers,  the  government 
of  this  country  had  committed  itself  to  an  act  which  justice  cannot 

50 


defend.  You  know  the  United  States  solemnly  agreed  in  said  treaty 
that  the  coming  of  Chinese  laborers  may  be  suspended  but  never  abso- 
lutely prohibited.  But  since  that  time  the  United  States  prohibited 
Chinese  immigration  and  thus  the  government  broke  faith  with  China 
by  passing  a  law  in  direct  violation  of  said  treaty  and  the  courts  have 
aided  in  said  violation  by  deciding  that  Congress  had  the  right  to  pass 
such  an  act. 

The  American  Christian  missionary  in  China  from  that  time  on 
found  their  good  work  seriously  hindered.  Thus  you  see  that  from 
time  immemorial  political  leaders,  demagogues  and  agitators  resorted 
to  misrepresentation,  falsehood  and  vehemence  to  secure  their  political 
jobs  and  favors,  and  they  did  not  dare  say  anything  favorable  to 
the  Chinese.  I  need  not  labor  much  longer  upon  this  point.  Suffice 
it  to  indicate  that  all  this  agitation  directed  against  the  Chinese  by 
political  demagogues  was  responsible  for  the  Exclusion  Act.  The  act 
excluding  the  Chinese  immigration  was  not  tempered  with  justice  or  a 
square  deal.  The  Exclusion  Law  today  is  nothing  but  the  culmination 
of  all  the  early  agitators.  The  reason  for  excluding  Chinese  people 
is  racial,  not  economic.  As  a  noted  lawyer  of  this  coast  once  said : 
"\\e  are  afflicted  w'ith  the  malady  of  race  hatred;  and  infected  with 
this  disease.  Everything  that  the  Oreiental  does  is,  to  our  sick  vision, 
distorted  into  an  offense  which  causes  us  to  vomit  forth  at  home  our 
rancor  and  spleen." 

All  we  ask  of  the  American  Government  is  to  give  the  Chinese 
fair  treatment  and  not  favor  in  the  matter  of  exclusion,  and  give  us 
the  same  treatment  as  is  accorded  to  people  of  other  nationalities.  I 
wish  1  had  time  to  enter  into  details  regarding  the  differences  in  which 
the  people  of  other  nations  are  treated.  The  Exclusion  Law  does  not 
only  exclude  all  Chinese,  laborers,  or  coolies  as  you  call  them,  but  it 
inflicts  tremendous  hardships  upon  the  Chinese  of  the  exempt  classes ; 
that  is,  merchants,  travelers,  students  and  teachers,  and  even  officials 
at  times.  It  seems  that  it  is  much  easier  for  them  to  enter  Heaven  than 
to  set  foot  on  the  American  continent,  even  when  they  enter  this  port 
with  the  Consul's  Certificate  or  other  documents  issued  and  signed  by 
American  diplomatic  agents  in  China. 

The  spirit  of  the  Exclusion  Law  is  to  exclude  the  coolie  class,  but 
it  was  certainly  not  intended  to  hinder  those  who  are  above  the  coolie 
class  when  they  are  properly  vouched  for  by  the  American  Consular 
or  Immigration  Agent  in  China.  On  presentation  of  the  proper  certifi- 
cate they  ought  to  be  permitted  to  land  without  much  ado.  When  the 
officials  place  all  these  obstacles  in  our  way,  can  it  be  said  that  they  are 
acting  in  a  spirit  of  justice?  The  Exclusion  Law  as  it  stands  is  a  dis- 
crimination against  a  single  nation,  a  legislation  against  a  race  of  peo- 

51 


pie,  branding  them  as  being  totally  unworthy  of  the  privilege  of  travel, 
residence  or  citizenship  in  the  United  States.  I  frankly  admit  that 
there  must  be  restriction  for  immigrants  coming  into  this  country,  but 
the  restriction  ought  to  be  applied  to  Oriental  and  Occidental  people 
alike.  There  should  be  no  unfair  discrimination  against  a  single  na- 
tion, especially  when  that  nation  believes  in  peace  and  righteousness 
so  firmly  that  it  scorns  to  think  that  it  has  to  be  maintained  or  enforce 
by  might. 

I  sincerely  hope  to  see  the  Exclusion  Law  altered  to  read,  Restric- 
tion Law.  If  you  do  that  you  will  have  done  much  in  removing  the 
only  element  of  friction  between  the  two  most  friendly  republics  on 
each  side  of  the  Pacific.  Aside  from  her  objection  to  the  Exclusion 
Law,  China  has  every  reason  to  be  thankful  to  the  United  States. 
Political  leaders  and  wild  agitators  in  this  country  have  inflicted  much 
harm  upon  the  Chinese  people  in  the  name  of  the  Exclusion  Law, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  many  statesmen  have  bestowed  much  good 
and  many  blessings  upon  China. 

China  cannot  help  but  hold  the  United  States  in  grateful  memory. 
I  say  exactly  what  I  mean,  and  mean  what  I  say.  The  United  States 
is  the  only  powerful  nation  that  has  not  at  any  time  resorted  to  meth- 
ods of  bullying,  coercing  or  browbeating  China  for  the  sake  of  com- 
mercial gain.  In  short,  she  is  ever  ready  to  stretch  forth  a  helping 
hand  in  any  crisis  that  China  might  have  to  pass  through.  Who  helped 
to  preserve  the  integrity  of  China  by  means  of  the  open  door  policy, 
but  the  United  States?  Who  took  the  lead  in  returning  a  portion  of 
the  Boxer  indemnity  fund  which  the  powers  extorted  out  of  China, 
but  the  United  States?  Which  was  the  first  power  to  recognize  the 
establishment  of  the  Republic  of  China,  but  the  United  States?  Who 
is  doing  the  best  medical  and  educational  work  in  China,  but  the  United 
States?  Counting  up  the  blessings  one  by  one  we  have  much  indeed 
to  be  thankful  for  to  the  United  States. 

So  you  can  readily  see  that  the  Exclusion  Law  is  the  only  obstacle 
in  the  way  of  the  most  friendly  relations  between  the  two  nations. 
Removing  that,  you  will  have  a  great  admirer  in  the  youngest  republic 
of  the  world. 

America  has  always  set  a  noble  example  to  the  world  and  a  striking 
illustration  is  her  position  of  neutrality  in  the  present  great  war.  As 
one  great  American  said :  "She  ought  to  decree  such  wise  things  and 
such  right  things  that  she  shall  be  considered  a  leader  to  the  free  na- 
tions of  the  earth." 

The  best  means,  therefore,  of  modifying  the  Exclusion  Law  is  for 
the  Christian  people  as  well  as  all  fairminded  Americans,  to  band  to- 
gether and  educate  and  awaken  the  public  opinion  to  the  realization 

52 


of  the  fact  that  there  is  but  very  little  spirit  of  justice  in  the  Exclusion 
Law.  You  will  then  have  accomplished  much  in  getting  rid  of  the 
'little  element  of  friction  between  the  two  countries  and  you  will  have 
exemplified  to  the  wide  world  that  America  is  a  land  full  of  noble  im- 
pulse for  justice  and  humanity. 


The  Pacific  Coast  and  the  Panama  Canal 


By  Senator  Walter  S.  Davis  of  Tacoma,  Wash. 

What  part  will  the  Panama  Canal  have  in  the  peopling  of  the  Pacific 
Coast?  The  building  and  completion  of  the  Canal  must  be  regarded 
as  one  of  the  greatest  triumphs  of  man  over  Nature  in  human  history. 
It  is  one  of  those  deeds  which  make  us  proud  of  the  human  race  and 
kindle  our  enthusiasm  for  our  membership  therein,  and  make  us  marvel 
at  "the  strength  and  stretch  of  the  human  understanding."  Above  all, 
it  reveals  the  greatness  of  the  human  spirit  which  presses  on  to 
triumph,  however  great  the  obstacles  in  the  path.  The  completion  of 
the  Canal  is  an  epoch  making  event,  destined  to  have  a  far  reaching 
influence,  not  only  upon  American  history  and  commerce,  but  upon 
that  of  the  World  as  well.  Just  as  the  blocking  up  by  the  Turks,  of 
the  Venetian,  and  Genoese  lines  of  trade  to  India  led  to  the  new  way 
around  Africa,  and  to  Columbus'  and  Magellans'  westward  voyages 
caused  the  decline  of  Venice  and  Genoa,  and  the  growth  of  Atlantic 
seaboard  cities  like  Lisbon  and  London,  so  the  building  of  the  Panama 
Canal  will  bring  new  prosperity  to  cities  like  New  Orleans,  Galveston, 
Los  Angeles,  San  Francisco,  Portland,  Tacoma,  Seattle,  and  Van- 
couver, B.  C. 

To  the  United  States,  the  military  importance  of  the  Canal  is  very 
great.  President  Roosevelt  says  that  it  has  doubled  the  effectiveness 
of  our  Navy.  No  longer  will  the  Nation  be  in  suspense,  while  our 
warships  make  the  long  voyage  around  the  Horn,  as  was  the  case  with 
the  Oregon  in  the  Spanish-American  War.  The  Nation  also  breathed 
a  sigh  of  relief,  when  the  Canal  was  completed,  because  it  practically 
relieved  the  Pacific  Coast  from  the  fear  of  a  descent  upon  it  by  the 
Japanese  Navy,  for  the  reason  that  many  Americans  had  feared,  that 
if  war  must  come  between  the  United  States  and  Japan  for  the  com- 
mercial supremacy  of  the  Pacific,  Japan  would  choose  the  time  before 
the  completion  of  the  Canal. 

For  years  before  the  Canal  was  finished,  the  popular  belief  on  the 
Pacific  Coast  was  that  it's  completion  would  be  the  signal  for  the 
coming  of  swarms  of  immigrants  from  Europe.  In  our  excited  im- 
aginations we  saw  our  streets  thronging  with  strangers  as  did  the  cities 

53 


of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  time  of  the  Germanic  immigrations.  We 
were  led  to  believe  that  thousands  of  steamship  tickets  were  being 
sold  in  Europe  on  the  installment  plan.  This  was  the  feeling  in  the 
first  Pacific  Coast  Immigration  Congress  held  in  Tacoma,  in  February, 
1912.  It  was  felt  then  that  something  must  be  done,  and  done  quickly, 
to  properly  care  for  this  incoming  tide,  as  it  would  greatly  add  to  our 
civic  and  social  problems.  So  commercial  bodies  took  up  the  question 
of  diverting  the  stream  of  immigration  from  the  city  to  the  unde- 
veloped agricultural  lands.  The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  kindred  organiza- 
tions began  preparations  for  the  moral  and  spiritual  training  of  the 
new  immigrants.  Looking  forward  to  a  marked  commercial  develop- 
ment, Seattle  created  a  Port  Commission,  Tacoma  built  a  new  Munici- 
pal Dock,  both  planning  to  receive  a  larger  commerce.  Other  Pacific 
Coast  cities  made  similar  preparations. 

But  what  has  been  the  actual  outcome  ?  Our  fears  have  all  proved 
groundless,  due,  we  may  believe,  first  to  economic  stress,  and  second 
to  the  great  war  in  Europe,  both  of  which  had  not  previously  been 
taken  into  our  calculations.  There  has  been  no  increase  either  in  our 
commerce  or  our  immigration ;  on  the  contrary  large  numbers  have 
returned  to  Europe  to  take  part  in  the  mighty  struggle.  Perhaps  after 
all  this  mighty  force  in  the  world  called  migration  rests  upon  deeper 
laws  than  the  gashing  of  a  continent,  and  the  shortening  and  cheapen- 
ing of  the  lines  and  means  of  transportation.  I  state  it  on  the  authority 
of  the  United  States  Immigration  offices  in  both  the  states  of  Washing- 
ton and  California,  that  not  a  single  emigrant  ship  has  yet  come 
through  the  Panama  Canal. 

In  preparation  for  the  writing  of  this  paper,  I  interviewed  United 
States  Immigration  officials.  Foreign  Consuls,  resident  on  the  Pacific 
Coast,  Commercial  Club  secretaries,  agents  of  steamship  lines,  and 
citizens  competent  to  speak  on  the  subject.  To  several  I  put  the  ques- 
tion :  "Is  the  reported  asle  of  tickets  on  the  installment  plan  before 
the  completion  of  the  Canal  true?"  Replies  were  received  on  both 
sides.  All  those  interviewed  agreed  that  there  was  practically  no  im- 
migration coming  through  the  Canal  at  present.  .Before  the  war,  eight 
Steamship  lines  had  announced  their  intention  of  running  emigrant 
ships  through  the  Canal  from  Europe  to  the  Pacific  Coast.  It  was 
the  belief  of  those  interviewed,  that  the  immigration  to  the  Puget 
Sound  country,  would  be  largely  from  Scandinavia,  while  California 
would  draw  more  largely  from  the  peoples  of  Southern  Europe.  It 
was  shown  that  until  immigrants  can  go  direct  from  Europe,  and  not 
by  way  of  New  York  and  then  transshipping  through  the  Canal,  the 
rates  of  passage  to  the  Pacific  Coast  would  not  be  cheaper  than  by 
rail,  from  New  York,  the  present  rate  from  Scandinavia  by  New  Y<>rk 
and  by  rail  across  the  continent  being  $101,  and  from  New  York 

54 


by  water  through  the  Canal,  $115  to  the  Puget  Sound.  The  Ham- 
burg-American line  had  prepared  to  carry  passengers  to  the  Coast 
through  the  Canal  direct  from  Europe,  for  only  eight  dollars  more 
than  the  rate  to  New  York. 

\l\  investigation  showed  that  there  is  at  present  no  steadiness  in 
freight  rates.  One  steamship  agent  said  that  the  ships  running  from 
the  Pacific  Coast  through  the  Canal  to  New  York,  are  not  carrying 
freights  as  cheaply  as  they  could,  but  only  low  enough  to  get  the  trade. 
Also  rates  are  demoralized  by  steamers  carrying  freight  as  ballast  for 
nothing,  or  at  a  very  low  rate.  Thus  household  goods  by  rail  to  New 
York  are  three  dollars  a  hundred,  but  only  forty-five  cents  a  hundred 
via  the  Canal.  Secretary  Martin  of  the  Tacoma  Commercial  Club, 
says  one  merchant  might  find  it  difficult  to  compete  with  another  mer- 
chant who  had  secured  the  very  low  rate  of  transportation  from  some 
tramp  steamer.  Just  as  in  the  Tariff,  it  is  not  the  amount  of  the 
rate,  but  its  stability,  that  gives  assurance  to  business,  so  merchants 
are  on  an  equality  if  they  have  the  same  rates  through  a  certain 
definite  period. 

The  results  of  the  investigation  made  for  this  paper  may  be 
summed  up  as  follows : 

( 1 )  The  completion  of  the  Canal  did  not  bring  the  anticipated  im- 
migration to  the  Pacific  Coast,  due  to  the  prevailing  economic  stress 
and  to  the  war  in  Europe. 

(2)  That  while  a  fciv  immigrants  have  come,  not  a  single  immi- 
grant ship  has  yet  arrived  on  the  Pacific  Coast  through  the  Canal. 

(3)  That  immigration  into  the  United   States  now  is  practically 
at  a  standstill. 

( 4 )  That  had  there  been  no  war,  the  immigration  would  not  have 
been  as  large  as  we  had  expected.    Yet  it  would  have  been  quite  large. 

(  5  )  That  the  reported  sales  of  tickets  to  the  Pacific  Coast  is  not 
yet  proven.  Positive  affirmations  are  made  on  both  sides. 

(6)  That  the  war  so  upset  previous  calculations  and  opinions,  that 
even  the  best  informed  refused  to  give  any  prophecy  as  to  the  future 
of  immigration  through  the  Canal. 

(  7  )  That  after  the  ending  of  the  war  in  Europe,  the  following 
forces  will  be  active  checks  on  immigration  that  might  otherwise  come 
through  the  Canal : 

a.  Europe  will  need  her  men  to  perform  labor  at  home. 

b.  European   Governments  will  take  more  active   steps  to  induce 
laborers  to  remain  at  home  by  modeling  their  industrial  development 
after  countries  like  Denmark  and  Germany. 

c.  That    European     Governments     wftl     strongly    appeal    to    the 
patriotism  of  their  people  to  remain  at  home. 

55 


d.  That  European  Governments  will  make  laws  limiting  the  activ- 
ity of  steamship  agents  who  seem  to  be  the  cause  of  one-half  the 
immigration  from  Hungary  and  from  Russia,  Bulgaria  having  already 
abolished  them. 

e.  That  many  desiring  to   emigrate   will  not  have   the  necessary 
money,  due  to  the  financial  exhaustion  by  the  war. 

(8)  On  the  other  hand,  many  may  come  to  this  "land  of  great 
peace,"  determined  to  remove  themselves  and  their  families  beyond  the 
limits  of  countries  likely  at  any  time  to  be  plunged  into  such  frightful 
wars.    Mrs.  Kate  W.   Barrett,  a  special  investigator  for  the  United 
States  Immigration  Department,  thinks  that  especially  many  women 
will  come  to  America  to  escape  the  ravages  of   war.     Mr.  W.   W. 
Husband,  another  immigrant  inspector  of  the  United  States  Depart- 
ment, thinks  that  for  some  time  to  come  large  numbers  of  immigrants 
may  be  expected  from  Russia  and  Austria-Hungary. 

(9)  That  when  the  tide  of  immigration  does  begin  to  come  again 
to  our  Pacific  Coast,  it  should,  so  far  as  possible,  be  diverted  away 
from  the  cities  and  to  the  undeveloped  agricultural  lands.     The  Scan- 
dinavians will  make  fine  citizens  and  farmers  on  the  logged-off  lands 
of  the  Puget  Sound  country.     The  Italians,  whose  chief  business  in 
their  home  land  is  to  raise  fruit,   should  find  a  like  occupation   for 
which  they  are  so  well  fitted,  on  the  fruit  lands  of  California,  instead 
of  being  herded  in  box  cars  and  put  to  work  on  railroads,  a  work, 
which  with  its  accompanying  conditions,  they  very  much  dislike. 

(10)  That  the  public  school  system,  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  and  like  or- 
ganizations should  do  everything  possible  for  the  educational,  moral 
and  spiritual  uplift  of  the  new  immigrant,  while  the  State  and  Com- 
mercial clubs  should  see  that  he  be  protected  from  robbery  by  dis- 
honest real  estate  agents,  and  from  exploitation  by  soulless  corpora- 
tions. 


After  the  War— What? 


By  Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Chancellor,  Stanford  University. 

The  Great  War  will  eventually  come  to  a  close  through  exhaustion, 
through  lack  of  money,  through  starvation,  or  through  sorrow  and 
mourning.  There  is  at  present  little  prospect  that  it  will  end  in  any 
sweeping  victory.  It  may  be  that  Jean  de  Bloch,  was  right  and  that 
the  armies  of  today  with  their  hundreds  of  miles  of  battle  front  are 
too  large  to  be  maneuvered.  Giant  guns  and  swift  instruments  of 
murder  balance  one  another.  Armies  seeming  invulnerable,  war 
activities  have  been  more  and  more  directed  against  non-combatants. 

56 


Little  headway  has  been  made  by  either  side  in  those  features  com- 
monly regarded  as  legitimate  warfare.  Except  for  the  invasion  of 
Belgium,  the  Germans  have  accomplished  little  headway.  And  every- 
where non-combatants  have  suffered  with  the  armies. 

The  warfare  at  sea,  on  both  sides,  has  been  directed  mainly  against 
the  property  of  private  citizens.  All  this,  the  raids  on  seaside  resorts, 
the  capture  of  merchant  ships,  the  sinking  of  fishing-boats,  the  whole 
matter  of  War  Zones,  blockade  arid  food  contrabrand,  is  directed 
against  those  who  cannot  strike  back.  The  only  difference  between 
this  and  old-time  piracy  is  that  the  modern  free-booters  have  framed 
their  own  rules,  while  the  outlaw  of  the  past  defied  all  statutes.  Fred- 
eric the  Great,  with  the  frankness  of  a  King  said:  "As  to  war,  it  is 
a  trade  in  which  the  least  scruple  would  spoil  everything.  Indeed,  what 
man  of  honor  would  make  war  if  he  had  not  the  right  to  make  rules 
that  should  authorize  plunder,  fire  and  carnage?" 

Let  us  assume  that  there  will  be  no  victory  for  either  side,  but  that 
all  nations  concerned  will  find  themselves  defeated.  The  treaty  of 
peace  must  come  at  last.  There  are  many  things  we  should  like  to 
put  into  this  treaty,  things  essential  to  the  future  security  and  well- 
being  of  Europe.  But  we  shall  not  get  many  of  them.  We  may  not 
get  any.  It  may  be  that  the  drawn  game  will  end  in  a  truce,  not  of 
peace  but  of  exhaustion.  It  is  best  not  to  expect  too  much,  nor  to 
demand  all  we  want,  before  the  war  hysteria  is  over.  After  the  war  , 
is  over  will  begin  the  work  of  reconstruction.  Then  will  come  the  test 
of  our  mettle.  Can  Europe  build  up  a  solid  foundation  of  peace  amid 
the  havoc  of  greed  and  hate  ?  Constructive  work  belongs  to  peace,  and 
it  may  take  fifty  years  to  put  the  Continent  in  order.  When  the  kill- 
ing is  stopped,  permanently,  or  for  a  breathing  spell,  the  forces  of  law 
.and  order  must  begin  mobilization. 

There  are  many  things  we  need  to  make  civilization  stable  and 
wholesome.  Every  gain  counts.  We  want  foreign  exploitation  limited  by 
law  and  justice.  We  want  to  see  diplomacy  and  armies  no  longer  at 
the  call  of  adventurers.  We  want  no  more  "red  rubber,"  red  copra  01; 
red  diamonds.  We  want  open  diplomacy  and  we  want  democracy. 
Whatever  is  secret  is  corrupt,  and  the  control  of  armies  by  an  un- 
checked few  is  a  constant  menace  to  human  welfare.  The  people  who 
pay  and  who  die  should  know  what  they  pay  for  and  why  they  are 
called  upon  to  die. 

We  want  all  private  profit  taken  away  from  war.  We  want  to  see 
armies  and  navies  brought  down  from  the  maximum  of  expense  to 
the  minimum  of  safety.  We  want  to  see  conscription  abolished  and 
military  service  put  on  the  same  basis  as  other  more  constructive 
trades.  A  direct  cause  for  modern  warfare  is  the  eagerness  to  find 
something  for  armies  and  navies  to  do.  We  want  to  abolish  piracy 

57 


at  sea  and  murder  from  the  air.  We  want  to  conserve  the  interests 
of  neutrals  and  of  non-combatants.  We  want  to  take  from  war  at 
once  its  loot  and  its  glory.  We  hope  especially  for  an  abatement  of 
tariffs  and  of  all  obstacles  that  check  the  flow  of  commerce.  With  a 
free  current  of  trade,  the  Eastern  half  of  Europe  would  lose  its  com- 
mercial unrest.  We  cannot  mend  all  the  defects  of  Geography,  but 
we  might  refrain  from  aggravating  them.  Landlocked  nations  will 
not  be  so  tempted  to  "hack  away  to  the  sea,"  if  the  sea  is  not  made 
artificially  distant  by  barriers  to  trade.  We  would  like  to  have  na- 
tions pay  their  debts,  not  struggle  in  rivalry  of  borrowing.  We  would 
welcome  the  day  of  fewer  kings  and  they  with  limited  authority. 

Furthermore,  we  would  like  to  see  manhood  suffrage  everywhere 
and  womanhood  suffrage,  too.  Councils  of  the  people  instead  of  "Con- 
certs of  Powers,"  effective  parliaments,  not  mere  debating  societies 
without  power  of  action.  We  would  like  to  see  land-reforms,  tax- 
reforms,  reforms  in  schools  and  universities,  in  judicial  procedure,  in 
religion,  sanitation  and  temperance,  with  the  elimination  of  caste  and 
privilege  wherever  entrenched.  We  would  like  to  see  every  man  a 
potential  citizen  of  the  country  he  lives  in.  We  would  like  to  see  the 
map  of  Europe  redrawn  a  bit  (but  not  too  much)  in  the  interests  of 
freedom  and  fair  play.  We  would  like  to  see  the  small  nations  left 
as  stable  as  great  ones,  for  small  nations  have  done  more  than  their 
share  in  the  work  of  civilization.  We  believe  that  a  nation  can  have  no 
welfare  independent  of  the  individual  welfare  of  its  people.  That  na- 
tion is  greatest  which  has  most  individual  initiative  and  most  abundant 
life. 

We  would  like  to  see  our  Belgium  restored  to  the  "permanent  neu- 
trality" which  is  her  right,  and  Luxemburg  as  well.  We  believe  that 
the  "Balkans  should  belong  to  the  Balkans."  We  would  like  to  see,, 
if  it  may  be,  Constantinople  neutralized  and  autonomy  restored  to 
Alsace-Lorraine,  to  Finland,  to  Armenia.  To  hear  from  the  Danes  in 
Northern  Schleswig,  and  from  the  Poles  in  Warsaw,  Posen  and  Gali- 
cia.  The  people  concerned  should  be  consulted  over  every  change 
in  boundary  lines.  We  would  insist  that  the  FTague  Conference  be 
made  up  wholly  of  serious  men,  not  baffled  by  diplomatists,  sparring 
for  advantage.  We  would  like  to  see  the  Hague  Tribunal  dignified 
as  the  International  Court  of  the  World,  to  extend  and  create  Inter- 
national Law  by  its  precedents.  We  would  like  to  see  Judicial  Proced- 
ure and  Arbital  Decisions  everywhere  take  the  place  of  war  talk  and 
war  preparations.  To  see  the  channels  of  commerce  opened  wide, 
neutralized,  unfortified  and  free  to  all  the  world — the  Bosporus,  the 
Dardanelles,  the  Straits  of  Denmark,  Gibraltar  and  Aden,  the  canals 
of  Suez,  Panama,  and  Kiel  as  well.  Above  all,  we  should  hope  to  see 
human  life  held  as  sacred  as  the  llag.  and  patriotism  become  "plan- 

58 


etary,"  not  merely  tribal  or  provincial.  Whatever  is  good  for  the  world 
is  good  for  every  nation  in  it.  All  this  leaves  task  enough  for  the 
lovers  of  peace.  "Never  again  should  the  sword  be  sheathed;  it  should 
be  broken."  But  the  sword  is  most  surely  broken  by  rust,  not  often  by 
another  sword. 

Not  much  of  all  this  will  go  into  the  treaty  of  peace.  But  the 
struggle  will  go  on,  the  most  intense  since  the  days  of  the  Reformation. 
A  few  resolute  men,  reckless  of  consequences,  brought  on  the  Great 
War.  A  few  men,  equally  resolute,  could  make  war  impossible,  if 
they  had  the  backing  their  cause  demands.  To  get  peace  is  to  do  away 
with  standing  incentives  to  war.  Only  peace  activities  can  achieve 
this.  And  among  these  activities,  he  who  looks  for  it  may  find  in 
full  abundance  the  long-sought  "Moral  Equivalent  for  War." 

So  much  for  Europe,  what  of  America?  Of  this  we  may  be  sure, 
struggle  will  not  be  over  with  the  war.  And,  whatever  the  move- 
ments in  Europe,  we  shall  have  induced  movements  in  America  which 
will  run  in  parallel  lines.  The  movement  for  militarism  in  America, 
checked  by  the  good  sense  of  a  democratic  people,  seems  like  a  parody 
on  the  awful  and  self -destructive  efforts  of  Europe.  With  the  break- 
ing up  of  the  great  deep,  we  have  parallel  ebullitions  in  the  neighboring 
ponds. 

And  in  the  rebuilding  of  Europe,  our  part  will  not  be  one  of  sus- 
picion, hate  and  antagonism.  Our  stand  is  a  braver  one  than  that  in- 
volved in  acting  as  cogs  in  a  huge  machine  of  destruction.  We  are  be- 
tween the  lines.  Ours  is  the  Red  Cross  work.  It  is  for  us  to  carry 
the  spirit  of  friendship  and  mutual  help  into  a  continent  desolated  with 
senseless  hate. 

And  with  the  problem  of  reconstruction  comes  the  problem  of  Im- 
migration. Wlien  we  send  relief  to  Europe,  what  will  Europe  send 
to  America?  Not  her  armies — of  this  we  may  be  certain.  The  in- 
vasion of  New  York  is  one  of  the  bogies  conjured  up  by  the  War 
Traders,  who  in  our  land  as  in  every  other,  seek  to  project  their  most 
profitable  trade  into  the  future,  who  would  have  us  celebrate  the  dawn 
of  peace  by  making  certain  of  another  war. 

When  the  war  is  over,  Europe  will  be  short  of  men,  as  well  as  of 
capital  by  the  use  of  which  men  can  be  paid.  There  will  be  little  work 
to  do  and  few  men  to  do  it,  and  the  taxes  will  wax  higher  and  higher 
as  the  means  to  pay  them  becomes  more  precarious.  For  a  long  time 
before  the  war,  there  was  a  steady  stream  of  laborers  out  of  oppressed 
Germany  into  Switzerland — Hunger  Pilger — Pilgrims  of  Hunger,  they 
were  called  at  Basel,  and  one  Italian  economist  forecasting  the  future, 
said  that  "in  ten  years  we  shall  all  be  pilgrims  of  hunger."  And  so  they 
will  all  be.  And  as  Switzerland  will  not  hold  them  all,  they  will  flock 
towards  America. 

59 


The  happiest  man  I  saw  in  Greece  was  a  soldier  from  America, 
who  had  bought  for  $100  his  release  from  the  army,  and  was  headed 
back  for  "little  old  New  York,"  where  a  man  could  do  something,  and 
be  alone  while  he  was  doing  it.  He  had  come  back  to  Greece  for 
patriotism's  sake.  Now  he  was  going  back  to  his  place  as  steamer- 
steward  for  his  own  sake.  And  all  the  others  from  America,  the 
backbone  of  the  Greek  army,  were  going  back  to  America,  when  they 
could  get  away  and  when  they  could  get  the  money,  for  the  service 
at  a  drachmc  (19c)  a  month  falls  far  short  of  union  wages. 

To  me  this  seems  evident.  During  the  war,  traffic  is  scant  and  im- 
migration to  America  has  fallen  off  almost  to  nothing.  When  the 
lines  are  open,  the  desire  to  emigrate  from  Southern  and  Eastern 
Europe  will  be  found  to  be  greatly  increased — Roumania,  Greece, 
Italy,  Serbia,  Hungary,  Macedonia,  Poland,  the  movement  both  to 
North  and  South  America  will  be  greatly  accentuated.  Meanwhile  the 
rulers  of  most  nations  will  put  all  possible  obstacles  in  the  way  of  im- 
migration. The  great  problem  of  both  Italy  and  Greece,  next  to  those 
of  war,  is  that  of  the  loss  of  the  people  by  immigration. 

But  the  means  for  emigration  will  be  greatly  reduced.  Poverty  will 
be  the  rule  in  Europe.  A  million  people  in  Macedonia  alone  were 
helpless  refugees  in  May,  1914.  Their  lot  has  not  improved  since  then, 
nor  has  it  gone  better  with  any  of  the  war-worn  and  war-torn  nations. 

The  French  and  Belgians  seldom  leave  their  homes ;  but  from  Ger- 
many and  Great  Britain  the  tide  of  those  who  abhor  military  service  is 
likely  to  rise.  To  what  degree  the  movement  towards  freedom  and 
away  from  war-taxes  and  war-burdens  will  rise,  no  one  can  say.  And 
the  problem  of  the  immigrant  is  going  to  be  more  and  more  pressing 
until  we  solve  it,  or  abandon  the  effort  for  its  solution. 

The  freedom  of  America  is  British  freedom;  it  rose  with  the  re- 
volt against  a  Prussian  King,  engaged  in  stupid  fashion  in  Prus- 
sianizing England  and  her  colonies.  British  Liberty  and  American 
Liberty  have  risen  on  parallel  lines,  and  while  our  machinery  of  ad- 
ministration is  very  different  from  the  British,  our  social  fabric  in  its 
basal  framework  is  the  same.  Americans  have  been  defined  as  middle- 
class  Englishmen,  and  we  may  accept  the  definition,  for  the  same  in 
stock,  we  have  eliminated  the  upper  and  lower  classes,  those  having 
privilege  through  inheritance,  and  those  from  inheritance  debarred 
from  life's  comforts. 

The  racial  freedom  belongs  to  the  racial  stock  which  secured  it. 
No  gifts  to  a  nation  comes  from  the  outside.  Each  must  earn  what 
it  gets.  The  races  of  the  North  of  Europe,  substantially  identical 
with  ours,  are  soon  assimilated ;  and  so  are  some  from  the  South  of 
Europe  and  from  Asia.  Others  come  who  have  never  known  free- 
dom, never  demanded  it,  and  who  for  generations  never  learn  t<-  use 

60 


it.  Those  among  us  who  need  physical  coercion  are  not  good  citizens 
and  are  not  welcome.  They  are  dross  in  the  melting  pot.  They  lower 
the  average  quality  of  the  alloy  into  which  they  enter.  Their  pres- 
sure reduces  the  proportionate  number  of  those  fine  strains  of  heredity 
who  maintained  our  freedom  and  who  give  to  our  nation  its  color  and 
destiny. 

And  yet,  however  opposed  to  immigration  by  wholesale  of  "the 
beaten  men  of  the  beaten  races,"  in  detail  it  is  impossible  not  to  sym- 
pathize with  these  people.  When  one  comes  to  know  individuals  in 
a  miscellaneous  pack  of  Balkan  refugees,  one  sees  the  fine  traits  of  hu- 
man nature  cropping  out  here  and  there,  and  one's  fear  for  the  Eugenic 
future  of  his  own  nation,  the  "melting  pot  of  Europe,"  "the  land  where 
hatred  dies  away,"  is  lost  in  human  sympathy. 

And  it  may  be  just  as  well.  We  are  all  in  the  same  boat — all  races 
of  men — all  on  "the  good  ship  Earth."  If  we  develop  a  permanent 
civilization,  it  must  rest  on  mutual  help,  for  after  all  "Love  is  the  Ful- 
fillment of  the  Law,"  and  law  is  the  expression  of  cause  and  effect, 
the  best  way  in  which  actions  and  events  may  be  bound  together. 

Stanford  University,  California,  August,  1915. 


The  State  and  the  Immigrant 


By  Simon  J.  Lubin,  President  Immigration  and  Housing  Commission 

of  California. 


It  is  my  purpose  to  consider  with  you  some  of  the  principles  and 
policies  underlying  the  work  of  the  Commission  of  Immigration  and 
Housing  of  California.  Our  executive  officer,  Mr.  Bell,  will  tell  you. 
in  detail  of  actual  accomplishment. 

A  question,  which  more  than  once  we  have  had  to  answer,  runs 
something  like  this :  "Why  should  the  State  devote  special  attention 
to  the  immigrant?  Haven't  we  our  own  poor,  our  own  exploited 
among  the  native  born?  And  aren't  they  just  as  worthy  of  protection 
and  assistance  as  the  alien?  In  fact,  doesn't  our  first  duty  demand 
that  we  serve  our  own  ?  Should  not  charity  begin  at  home  ?" 

Our  State  may  justify  itself  from  at  least  three  different  view- 
points. The  act  creating  our  Commission  does  not  intend  that  any 
special  favor  be  accorded  the  foreigner.  But  the  stranger,  ignorant 
of  our  laws,  our  customs,  and  often  of  our  language,  upon  arrival 
finds  himself  beset  by  innumerable  handicaps.  The  removal  of  these 
tends  to  place  him  upon  an  equality  with  those  longer  resident  here. 
There  is  no  favoritism  in  this ;  merely  an  attempt  to  establish  a  mea- 
sure of  justice. 

61 


Ordinarily,  the  immigrant  is  so  situated  that  he  becomes  an  easy 
prey  to  exploiters,  that  he  finds  it  almost  impossible  to  get  on  his 
feet  economically ;  misfortune  drags  him  into  the  overcrowded  quarters 
of  our  slums,  those  breeding  places  of  disease,  immorality,  crime  and 
ignorance;  education  in  English  and  in  civics  is  almost  impossible  to 
attain.  Such  a  man  is  not  on  the  road  to  becoming  a  useful  citizen. 
Indeed,  unguided  and  unprotected,  he  is  liable  to  become  a  menace. 
The  correction  of  these  evils  is  no  more  than  a  matter  of  our  own 
self-protection.  Our  efforts  primarily  are  in  the  direction  of  our  own 
welfare.  From  this  viewpoint,  the  immigrant  is  only  an  accident  in 
our  activities. 

— •«.. 

But  the  immigrant  is  not  merely  a  potential  menace,  from  whom 
we  must  protect  ourselves.  With  the  proper  encouragement,  he  may 
become  a  positive  source  of  benefit  to  our  civilization.  Each  man 
brings  to  our  shores  certain  inherited  racial  and  national  talents  as 
well  as  certain  personal  faculties  which  we  may  encourage  and  de- 
velop to  our  own  advantage.  The  social  settlement  was  the  first  in- 
stitution in  this  land  to  give  practical  recognition  to  the  fact  that  art 
and  philosophy  had  not  departed  from  the  Greek,  that  music  and  the 
sense  of  legal  order  had  not  deserted  the  Italian,  that  with  the  Jew 
there  still  remains  a  worship  of  the  beauty  of  holiness,  a  reverence  for 
pure  family  life,  and  a  deep-seated  belief  that  a  nation  which  breaks 
faith  is  as  much  a  sinner  as  is  the  individual  who  does  violence  to  the 
moral  law.  The  settlement  first  recognized  the  valuable  contributions 
that  might  be  made  to  our  culture  by  immigrants  from  Germany, 
from  Russia,  from  England,  from  France  and  from  the  homes  of  the 
Norsemen ;  yes,  even  from  the  pettiest  of  distant  lands.  And  ad- 
visedly we  might  take  the  cue  from  the  settlement  in  this  respect,  to 
do  all  within  our  power  to  bring  out  the  latent  possibilities  from  even 
the  humblest  of  .the  strangers  within  our  gates.  Our  country,  in  its 
early  history,  borrowed  ideals  and  practices  from  all  peoples,  both 
ancient  and  modern.  Is  it  not  conceivable  that  the  descendants  of 
those  who  contributed  thus  might  still  have  something  to  give  ? 

The  State,  then,  in  directing  some  attention  toward  the  immigrant, 
is  justified  in  three  ways :  First,  by  removing  handicaps  in  the  path 
of  the  stranger,  it  tends  to  place  all  upon  an  equality  of  opportunity ; 
then,  by  protecting  and  aiding  the  foreigner,  it  most  wisely  seeks  the 
welfare  of  the  whole  commonwealth ;  and  finally,  in  encouraging  the 
development  of  latent  racial  and  personal  talents,  the  State  brings  out 
valuable  contributions  to  our  culture. 

By  way  of  rebuttal,  another  question  is  put  to  us:  "If  all  this 
care  is  required  to  keep  straight  and  to  assimilate  the  foreign-born, 
are  we  not  justified  in  excluding  him,  or  at  least  in  exercising  far 

62 


greater  caution  at  the  gates?    Should  we  not  put  into  operation  a  more 
rigid  selective  process,  to  reject  the  unfit,  and  to  admit  the  good?" 

Since  my  entry  into  this  work  within  this  State,  more  than  three 
years  ago,  I  have  made  it  my  business  to  refuse  to  discuss  either 
publicly  or  privately  the  matter  of  exclusion  or  restriction,  or  the 
wisdom  of  maintaining  the  open  door.  Knowing  that  most  discussions 
of  this  question  are  colored  by  deep-seated  prejudice,  the  bias  de- 
pending in  great  part  upon  what  ship  one's  ancestors  happened  to 
come  over  on — the  Mayflower  or  the  Kaiser  Wilhelm — it  seemed  to 
me  that  our  entry  into  such  discussions  might  cloud  the  real  issue  to 
which  we  are  devoted.  It  is  not  my  purpose  now  to  discuss  restric- 
tion, but  incidentally  to  touch  upon  that  subject  merely  to  supply  a 
background  for  the  enunciation  of  a  more  positive  and  far  different 
policy. 

The  last  census  gave  us  more  than  thirteen  millions  foreign-born 
in  the  United  States.  These  with  their  children  numbered  over  thirty- 
two  millions,  or  more  than  one-third  of  our  total  population.  Were 
we  to  put  into  effect  a  policy  of  absolute  exclusion,  we  should  still 
be  faced  for  many  years  to  come  by  domestic  immigration  problems, 
crying  for  solution. 

In  the  matter  of  restriction,  for  some  reason,  we  don't  seem  to  be 
able  to  hit  upon  a  satisfactory  mechanical  method  of  segregating  the 
.  unfit  from  the  fit.  The  literacy  test  fails  to  impress  favorably  our 
veto-wielding  Presidents,  to  say  nothing  of  the  steamship  lobby  and" 
the  foreign  national  lobbies.  The  proposition  to  limit  the  annual  in- 
flux of  each  nation  to  five  or  ten  per  cent  of  .those  already  here,  besides 
involving  innumerable  administrative  complexities,  would  hardly  ap- 
peal to  those  who  maintain  the  inferiority  of  our  large  immigration 
since  1881. 

The  discriminating  powers  of  scores  of  moderately  paid  inspectors 
at  the  ports  is  not  a  dependable  machinery.  You  who  have  had  ex- 
perience in  employing  men  know  how  difficult  it  is  to  judge  their 
capabilities  and  characters  accurately  even  after  months  of  intimate 
association.  How  much  more  fallible  then  is  the  opinion  of  the  in- 
spector who  must  pass  judgment  upon  sometimes  hundreds  in  a  day? 

Admitting  that  it  is  wise  to  keep  out  the  known  criminal,  the 
immoral,  the  diseased  and  imbecile,  I  would  maintain  that  it  is  rela- 
tively unimportant  who  else  come  in,  and  in  what  numbers.  Do  I 
then  advocate  a  doctrine  of  laisscz  faire?  No,  not  by  any  means. 

The  matter  of  supreme  importance  is  not  what  we  do  at  the  gates, 
but  what  we  do  after  the  immigrant  is  admitted.  The  vital  thing  is 
not  a  policy  of  admission  and  exclusion,  but  a  domestic  immigration 
policy,  whether  we  open  wide  the  gates  or  keep  them  tightly  closed. 

63 


First,  for  our  own  security,  if  not  for  his,  we  must  protect  the 
foreigner  from  abuse  and  exploitation.  Then  we  must  remove  friction 
from  the  path  leading  to  economic  settlement.  The  effort  of  the  na- 
tional Department  of  Labor  to  organize  and  co-ordinate  the  work  of 
public  employment  offices  is  an  attempt  in  this  direction.  Agricultu- 
ral'cooperation  and  rural  credits  would  help.  Then  we  must  make 
more  common  the  opportunities  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  English 
and  the  rudiments  of  civics.  What  sometimes  seems  to  me  to  be  most 
important  of  all  is  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  proper  stand- 
ards of  health,  sanitation,  housing,  education,  labor  and  justice. 

With  wise  minimum  social,  economic,  educational  and  legal  stand- 
ards determined  and  enforced,  we  make  impossible  the  existence  of 
many  of  those  practices  and  habits  which  are  repugnant  to  our  civili- 
zation. The  immigrant  crowds  into  hovels,  thus  endangering  our 
health  and  our  economic  structure.  Well,  enforce  our  five  hundred 
cubic  foot  law  and  other  housing  regulations,  and  he  must  be  half- 
way decent.  The  alien  competes  unfairly  by  throwing  his  women  and 
his  children  into  the  stream  of  labor.  Then  bring  to  bear  upon  him 
our  compulsory  education  law  and  our  laws  governing  the  employment 
of  women  and  minors.  The  foreigner  participates  in  corrupt  politics 
and  overloads  our  courts.  Possibly  our  taking  corruption  out  of  our 
politics  and  putting  more  justice  into  our  courts  might  remedy  much 
of  this. 

The  protection  of  the  foreign-born  from  exploitation,  the  building 
up  of  proper  standards,  and  the  opening  up  of  economic  and  educa- 
tional opportunities  are  what  are  involved  in  the  conception,  a  do- 
mestic immigration  policy. 

There  are  two  by-products  of  such  a  policy  which  are  worthy  of 
careful  attention.  First,  it  is  selective,  in  a  more  positive  way  than 
any  measure  put  into  effect  at  the  ports  of  entry.  We  know  that  the 
destination  of  most  prospective  immigrants  is  determined  by  the  tone 
of  letters  received  from  friends  and  relatives  resident  here.  If  these 
letters  carry  the  news  that  this  is  a  land  where  the  grafter  prospers, 
where  reward  is  not  in  the  measure  of  effort  and  merit,  where  justice 
can  be  bought,  then  do  we  get  out  of  foreign  lands  the  man  who  thrives 
under  such  an  environment.  But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  these  letters 
convey  the  information  that  this  is  a  place  for  the  industrious,  the 
ambitious,  the  honorable  and  the  just,  and  that  these  are  encouraged 
in  many  ways,  while  others  generally  have  a  rough  path  to  tread,  then 
shall  we  attract  to  our  shores  only  the  desirable  and  the  worthy. 

But  we  should  not  depend  wholly  upon  the  information  sent 
through  private  correspondence.  In  picturing  social,  legal  and  edu- 
cational conditions  and  opportunities,  it  is  practically  trustworthy ; 

64 


but  in  presenting  a  picture  of  our  economic  status  at  a  given  time, 
it  is  not  dependable.  If  his  boss  needs  an  extra  man,  Tony  is  likely 
to  write  over  to  Italy  that  the  labor  situation  in  this  country  is  ex- 
cellent. His  letter,  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  may  start  a  small  army 
in  this  direction.  Intelligence  of  this  sort  should  not  be  left  to  such 
a  haphazard  medium.  Before  long,  I  hope  to  see  a  conference  of 
nations  called  to  consider  the  advisability  of  devising  a  permanent 
machinery  for  disseminating  promptly  and  accurately  official  data  re- 
garding the  world's  labor  demand  and  supply. 

Another  by-product  flowing  from  an  established  domestic  policy 
of  immigration  is  this :  Whatever  we  do,  with  the  immigrant  directly 
in  mind,  \vorks  to  the  advantage  of  our  whole  community.  If  we 
establish  better  schools  for  immigrants,  we  raise  the  whole  tone  of 
our  educational  system.  If  we  put  out  of  business  and  behind  the 
bars  the  real  estate  shark  who  preys  upon  the  alien,  the  employment 
agent  who  misrepresents  and  splits  fees,  the  crooked  notary  and  the 
shyster  lawyer,  and  the  white  slaver,  to  that  extent  do  we  protect  our 
native-born.  If  we  prevent  the  foreign-born  from  overcrowding,  from 
exploiting  his  women  and  his  children,  by  the  same  effort  we  enforce 
these  laws  in  regard  to  our  own  people.  That  is  why  we  sometimes 
wonder  why  we  are  called  a  Commission  of  Immigration.  In  our 
effort  to  improve  the  condition  of  one  element  in  our  population,  we 
tend  to  elevate  the  whole  mass. 

Thus  far,  I  have  tried  to  give  a  justification  for  the  State's  devoting 
any  special  attention  to  the  immigrant.  Then  I  showed  the  need  of 
a  domestic  immigration  policy,  pointing  out  that  even  with  exclusion 
or  restriction,  we  still  should  have  internal  problems  to  solve,  and 
that  their  local  solution  is  more  important  than  matters  of  admission 
and  rejection.  In  fact,  the  operation  of  such  a  policy  is  selective,  and 
it  benefits  the  native-born  no  less  than  the  foreigner.  Now,  in  the 
brief  time  remaining,  let  me  touch  upon  some  of  the  policies  we  have 
developed  in  working  out  our  task. 

Our  underlying  motive  is  one  of  cooperation  and  economy.  Our 
policy  is  to  do  nothing  we  can  get  any  other  agency  to  take  up.  Stand- 
ards of  labor  camp  sanitation  were  worked  out  in  conjunction  with 
federal  military  authorities  and  the  State  Board  of  Health.  We  are 
cooperating  closely  with  the  State  Board  of  Education  and  with  local 
educational  bodies  to  develop  a  program  of  immigrant  education  in 
English  and  in  citizenship.  We  purpose  to  work  out  with  municipal 
agencies  a  state  housing  and  city  planning  program  and  through  them 
to  accomplish  its  enforcement.  Our  activities  to  relieve  the  winter 
unemployment  situation  take  the  form  of  pressure  upon  municipali- 
ties to  perform  their  several  duties.  In  our  complaint  department, 

65 


whenever  possible,  we  refer  cases  to  the  competent  authorities  to 
enforce  action :  To  the  State  Labor  Bureau,  to  the  Industrial  Acci- 
dent Board,  to  the  Board  of  Health,  to  district  attorneys.  In  this  way 
we  make  our  small  appropriation  go  as  far  as  possible ;  we  co-ordinate 
state  effort  and  prevent  duplication  of  work  and  overlapping.  Our 
cooperation  is  with  national,  state,  county,  municipal  and  private 
agencies. 

Again,  we  are  governed  by  a  policy  that  is  not  satisfied  with  watch- 
ful waiting,  but  commands  us  to  go  out  after  business.  It  has  become 
a  practice  with  many  public  agencies  to  open  up  an  office,  prominently 
indicated  by  an  impressive  sign-board,  to  employ  a  more  or  less  com- 
petent staff  of  political  hangers-on,  and  then  patiently  to  wait,  avoiding 
effort  when  possible.  Following  contrary  lines,  we  have  literally  gone 
grubbing  for  trouble.  Many  of  the  five  thousand  complaints  we  have 
handled  during  the  past  year,  we  have  deliberately  sought  out.  That 
is  our  construction  of  the  mandate,  "Let  judgment  run  down  as 
waters."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  we  have  practically  ignored  specific 
complaints  in  our  division  of  labor  camp  inspection ;  investigations 
have  been  initiated  by  our  own  agents,  going  from  camp  to  camp. 
We  purpose  not  to  wait  to  be  urged  by  immigrants  clamoring  for  op- 
portunities for  education,  but  rather  do  we  intend  to  thrust  these 
opportunities  upon  them.  Though  inviting  adverse  criticism  from 
some  quarters,  we  persist  in  advertising  our  wares  in  the  manner 
known  to  successful  commercial  enterprises.  We  believe  in  going  out 
after  business. 

Nor  do  we  content  ourselves  with  making  destructive  criticism 
only.  After  discovering  that  labor  camp  conditions  within  the  state 
were  a  reproach,  and  after  calling  this  fact  to  the  attention  of  camp 
owners,  we  put  into  their  hands  a  simple  but  comprehensive  primer 
of  camp  construction.  With  this  manual  before  him,  the  humblest 
camp  owner  could  construct  most  cheaply  a  sanitary  toilet,  a  practical 
shower-bath,  a  fly-proof  cook  house  and  mess-tent,  and  in  fact  lay  out 
his  camp  in  a  way  that  would  win  the  approval  of  sanitary  experts. 
Where  the  manual  itself  is  not  sufficient,  we  supplement  it  with  advice 
and  suggestions  personally  given  by  experts.  We  have  provided  com- 
plete plans  and  specifications,  with  estimated  costs,  of  a  sanitary  sew- 
age system  for  an  unincorporated  town.  Last  winter,  we  advised  all 
the  cities  in  the  state  as  to  what  they  should  do  to  relieve  the  immedi- 
ate unemployment  situation.  It  is  gratifying  to  be  able  to  report  that 
our  constructive  suggestion  were  received  in  the  finest  spirit. 

We  are  now  working  on  texts  to  aid  those  who  desire  to  bring  to 
the  immigrant  a  knowledge  of  English  and  civics,  and  who  purpose 
availing  themselves  of  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  new  home- 

66 


teacher  law.  We  shall  prepare  a  manual  for  those  who  are  interested 
in  city  planning  and  housing. 

We  have  found  that  mere  opportunity  does  not  necessarily  encour- 
age the  embracing  that  opportunity.  Experience  has  shown  that  our 
public  schools  must  be  backed  up  by  a  compulsory  education  law.  The 
mass  of  the  people  either  must  be  compelled  to  take  advantage  of 
possible  benefits,  or  at  least  they  must  be  led  and  directed.  They  must 
have  their  attention  called  to  rights  and  privileges,  and  they  must  be 
shown  the  way.  Even  those  who  would  lead  others,  often  should  be 
guided  and  advised. 

In  the  past,  much  of  our  effort  has  been  directed  necessarily  at 
evident  immediate  evil,  to  remedy  specific  instances  of  abuse  and  in- 
justice. We  shall  continue  that  work,  even  with  reinforced  vigor. 
We  feel  that  this  task  is  essential  to  our  program.  But  we  realize 
that  we  should  go  farther  and  deeper ;  we  must  go  to  the  roots  of 
things.  In  any  final  program,  evils  have  to  be  attacked  at  their  source. 
Therefore,  we  have  determined  upon  certain  lines  of  action. 

From  one  viewpoint,  our  most  pressing  problem  is  that  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  immigrants.  If  possible,  we  must  prevent  the  further 
overcrowding  of  over-congested  slums ;  we  must  try  to  direct  immi- 
gration to  the  rural  districts  and  to  the  farms,  for  then  the  economic 
stability,  both  of  ourselves  and  of  the  foreigner,  is  assured,  and  as- 
similation becomes  an  easier  task.  Profiting  by  Eastern  experience, 
we  know  that  in  this  matter  of  distribution,  a  force  from  behind  will 
not  avail ;  the  immigrant  pushed  out  will  not  stay  put.  Rather  should 
he  be  attracted  to  a  certain  environment.  This  appears  a  serious  mat- 
ter when  we  contemplate  the  readiness  with  which  our  own  people 
desert  the  farm  for  the  town,  and  leave  the  town  for  the  city.  Today, 
the  city  does  offer  attractions  that  the  country  lacks — real  attractions, 
such  as  those  of  education,  which,  for  many  an  immigrant,  form  the 
prime  motive  driving  him  to  our  shores.  Today  the  country  displays 
many  a  handicap  to  prevent  profitable  settlement  upon  the  land. 
Therefore,  we  are  projecting  a  thorough-going  investigation  into  th& 
land-holding  situation  within  our  State,  to  arrive,  if  possible,  at  some 
practical  solution.  Therefore,  we  are  examining  the  factors  that  make 
the  country  backward  as  compared  with  the  city,  in  the  hope  that 
ultimately  we  may  be  able  to  present  to  the  State  some  intelligent 
program.  Cooperating  with  the  State  Board  of  Education,  we  hope 
to  develop  a  course  of  action  that  will  make  our  schools,  both  city 
and  rural,  more  attractive  and  more  useful  to  our  foreign-born  popu- 
lation, child  and  adult. 

Merely  to  summarize :  I  have  tried  to  justify  the  State's  entering 
into  this  immigration  business  on  the  ground  (1)  that  we  are  showing 

67 


no  special  favors  to  the  alien,  but  are  merely  striving,  by  removing, 
certain  natural  handicaps,  to  place  him  upon  a  basis  of  equality  of 
opportunity;  (2)  that  by  protecting  him  from  exploitation  and  by 
putting  him  in  the  way  of  getting  better  educational,  social  and  eco- 
nomic advantages  we  are  but  working  towards  our  own  security  and 
welfare;  and  (3)  that  we  are  developing  certain  racial  and  personal 
talents  which  will  accrue  to  our  own  advantage. 

Then  I  pointed  out  the  need  of  a  domestic  immigration  policy, 
whether  we  regulate  the  influx  or  maintain  the  open  gate.  Such  a 
domestic  policy  is  selective  in  its  influence  upon  future  immigration. 
While  aimed  to  solve  the  problems  of  immigration,  it  tones  up  our 
whole  social,  economic  and  educational  status. 

Finally,  I  stated  certain  working  policies  we  have  developed  :  ( 1 ) 
We  cooperate  with  other  agencies,  public  and  private,  our  aim  being 
to  do  nothing  we  can  get  anyone  else  to  do.  (2)  We  do  not  wait  for 
our  tasks,  but  rather  go  out  after  business.  (3)  We  point  out  exist- 
ing evils,  but  make  constructive  suggestions  for  their  reform.  (4) 
We  attend  to  the  problems  at  hand,  but  aim  to  get  at  the  roots  of 
things,  and  to  remedy  evils  at  their  source. 

To  what  degree  we  have  succeeded  in  our  task,  you  may  judge 
for  yourselves  from  the  account  of  our  nineteen  months'  work,  which 
will  now  be  given  you  by  our  executive  officer,  Mr.  Bell. 


The  Work  of  the  California  State  Commission  of 
Immigration  and  Housing 


By  George  L.  Bell,  Attorney  and  Executive  Officer. 


The  President  of  the  California  Commission  of  Immigration  and 
Housing,  Air.  Simon  J.  Lubin,  has  outlined  the  policies  of  the  Com- 
mission and  has  discussed  the  underlying,  abstract  principles  of  the 
duty  of  the  state  to  the  immigrant.  It  is  not  my  intention,  therefore, 
to  seek  justification  for  the  creation  of  the  Commission.  Leaving 
such  questions  aside,  I  wish  to  merely  render  a  brief  account  of  the 
actual  accomplishments  of  the  Commission. 

Some  seven  months  ago  the  Commission  printed  a  full  and  de- 
tailed report  of  its  activities  to  date,  and  those  who  are  interested  will 
find  that  report  much  more  valuable  than  anything  I  may  outline  in 
the  few  moments  available.  Copies  of  this  report  will  be  mailed  free 
on  request  to  the  office  of  the  Commission,  No.  215  Underwood  Build- 
ing, San  Francisco. 

The  Commission  of  Immigration  and  Housing  of  California  was 
created  by  an  act  of  the  Legislature  in  1913.  The  Commission  was 

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not  appointed  and  organized  until  October,  1913,  and  offices  were  not 
opened  until  December  15,  1913.  Therefore,  the  active  work  has 
covered  a  period  of  only  some  19  or  20  months.  As  has  been  pointed 
out.  the  Commission  was  created  to  expedite  the  assimilation  and 
distribution  of  immigrants.  This  was  the  primary  object,  but  in  addi- 
tion the  Commission  was  authorized  to  investigate  and  study  the 
housing  conditions  of  the  state.  A  broad  field  of  activities  was  out- 
lined in  the  organic  act,  and  discretion  was  left  in  the  Commission 
to  select  certain  lines  of  work  and  eliminate  others.  The  Commissioners 
serve  without  any  compensation,  not  even  receiving  a  per  diem,  but 
merely  their  travelling  expenses.  It  is  their  task  to  formulate  policies 
and  map  out  definite  fields  of  work  for  the  staff  of  employees. 

During  the  month  of  December,  1913,  the  Commission  employed 
special  investigators  to  make  preliminary  surveys  of  general  immi- 
gration and  housing  conditions,  in  order  that  it  might  find  the  pro- 
portionate size  of  its  different  tasks,  and  place  the  emphasis  accord- 
ingly. With  reference  to  housing,  these  preliminary  surveys  covered 
the  tenements,  cheap  hotels  and  lodging  houses  of  San  Francisco. 
Enough  of  evil  conditions  were  discovered  to  make  it  imperative  that 
the  Commission  undertake  a  definite  campaign  to  arouse  the  city  au- 
thorities to  a  realization  of  the  bad  housing  situation.  Later  on,  in 
chronological  order,  the  housing  work  in  San  Francisco  and  other 
cities  will  be  described. 

Other  preliminary  surveys  proved  that  the  Commission  would 
have  to  give  serious  attention  to  the  education  and  naturalization  of 
immigrants.  It  was  found  that  California  generally  is  careless  in  its 
citizen  making.  Therefore,  from  the  very  beginning,  the  Commission 
has  been  quietly  and  carefully  working  out  a  program  of  immigrant 
education.  This  program  it  will  soon  announce  and  put  into  effect 
with  the  cooperation  of  state  and  local  educational  authorities. 

A  brief  observation  of  police  and  other  courts,  and  general  invest- 
igations in  the  foreign  colonies  sufficed  to  show  that  immigrants  are 
exploited  at  every  turn.  Consequently,  plans  were  laid  for  the  open- 
ing of  a  regular  complaint  department  for  the  receiving  and  handling 
of  complaints.  The  result  of  this  work  will  also  be  told  in  chrono- 
logical order.  I  am  going  carefully  through  the  formulative  period  of 
the  work  so  that  you  may  realize  the  peculiar  difficulties  encountered  in 
working  out  a  domestic  immigration  policy,  and  so  that  you  may  ap- 
preciate the  fact  that  the  Commission  did  not  go  blindly  or  arbitrarily 
into  any  particular  field  of  work. 

In  the  midst  of  these  preliminary  surveys  the  Commission  was 
plunged,  almost  unwittingly,  into  what  was  destined  to  be  one  of  its 
most  important  works — that  of  labor  camp  sanitation.  Realizing  that 
thousands  of  immigrants  are  scattered  throughout  the  labor  camps  of 

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the  State,  the  Legislature  had  authorized  the  Commission  to  "inspect 
all  labor  camps  within  the  state."  Although  it  had  been  planned  to 
inspect  labor  camps  during  the  summer  season,  the  Commission  was 
drawn  into  this  work  early  in  January,  1914,  during  the  course  of  its 
investigations  into  the  economic  and  social  causes  leading  up  to  the 
now  famous  Hop- Fields'  Riot  at  Wheatland  on  August  3,  1913. 
Approximately  one  half  of  the  two  thousand  or  more  hop  pickers 
then  employed  on  the  Durst  Bros,  ranch  were  immigrants,  so  there 
was  ample  cause  for  this  investigation.  The  Commission's  report 
on  the  condition  in  the  hop  fields  has  received  wide  publicity  and 
this  audience  is  undoubtedly  familiar  with  it.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
go  into  the  details  of  the  truly  horrible,  unsanitary  living  conditions, 
which  existed  on  this  ranch  and  which  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
resentment  and  subsequent  riots.  Further  investigations  indicated 
that  the  conditions  which  had  obtained  in  the  hop-fields  were  in  no 
way  peculiar  to  that  particular  sort  of  labor  camp.  In  fact  it  was 
found  that  the  bad  housing  and  unsanitary  conditions  in  most  of  our 
labor  camps  would  put  a  city  slum  to  shame! 

The  Commission  decided  that  such  conditions  were  a  menace  to  the 
state  and  entirely  unnecessary.  The  State  Board  of  Health  was 
charged  with  the  enforcement  of  a  weak  and  indefinite  law  governing 
the  sanitation  of  labor  camps,  but  that  Board  had  no  funds  for  this 
work.  Consequently,  this  Commission  was  deputized  by  the  State 
Board  of  Health  to  undertake  the  enforcement  of  this  law.  A  sanitary 
engineer  was  immediately  employed  and  an  experiment  in  model  camp 
making  carried  out  in  a  state  camp  on  the  state  highway.  Having 
acquired  this  practical  knowledge  the  Commission  compiled  a  text  or 
pamphlet  on  labor  sanitation.  Eminent  sanitary  engineers  and  health 
authorities  assisted  in  the  editing  of  this  pamphlet  and  it  has  been 
pronounced  to  be  the  last  word  on  the  subject.  The  pamphlet  contains 
detailed  drawings,  specifications  and  bills  of  materials  for  the  con- 
struction of  bunk  houses,  dining  tents,  kitchens,  toilets,  shower  baths 
and  garbage  incinerators,  and  is  couched  in  such  simple  language  that 
the  most  ordinary  carpenter  can  erect  a  model  camp  by  merely  follow- 
ing the  pamphlet.  The  tone  of  the  text  is  purely  advisory  and  the 
aim  is  to  educate  the  employer  and  the  employee. 

Armed  with  this  pamphlet,  inspectors,  under  the  supervision  of  a 
sanitary  engineer,  were  sent  into  the  field  in  the  spring  of  1914.  The 
first  accomplishment  was  the  complete  renovation  of  the  hop  pickers 
camp  on  the  Durst  ranch.  A  camp  was  maintained  on  that  ranch  in 
1914,  which  was  up  to  the  finest  model  of  military  camps.  In  all  in- 
stances the  inspectors  aided  the  owners  in  erecting  model  camps  and 
there  was  no  display  of  vulgar  authority.  The  reports  of  the  in- 
spectors were  carefully  gone  over  at  the  central  office  and  letters  of  in- 

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struction  sent  out.  As  a  consequence  the  active  cooperation  of  the 
employers  was  secured ;  there  were  no  controversies ;  no  prosecutions 
were  necessary,  and  practically  every  camp  visited  was  improved,  and 
the  majority  brought  up  to  the  minimum  standard  of  sanitation. 

The  Legislature  of  1915  amended  the  labor  camp  law,  making  it 
somewhat  stronger,  and  entrusting  the  enforcement  to  the  Commission 
of  Immigration  and  Housing.  Consequently  the  work  is  now  being 
carried  on  with  renewed  vigor.  Up  to  date  the  Commission  has  in- 
spected 999  labor  camps,  housing  69,097  persons.  The  report  blanks 
rilled  out  by  the  inspectors  were  carefully  prepared  to  gather  statistics 
concerning  the  migratory  workers  employed  in  these  camps,  and 
these  statistics  will  undoubtedly  throw  considerable  light  on  the 
problem  of  the  migratory  worker  and  the  general  problem  on  unem- 
ployment. Tabulations  of  the  statistics  gathered  in  the  876  camps  in- 
spected up  to  November  1,  1914,  disclose  some  interesting  facts.  The 
tables  are  given  in  full  in  the  annual  report.  I  will  mention  only  a 
few  striking  facts : 

Of  the  workers  employed  in  these  camps,  50.7  per  cent  were  im- 
migrant aliens.  49.3  per  cent  were  American  born  and  naturalized 
immigrants.  Therefore,  in  improving  labor  camp  conditions,  the  Com- 
mission has  not  only  protected  immigrants  but  has  guarded  against 
the  much  feared  lowering  of  living  standards  by  races  more  careless 
than  others  in  this  regard. 

Of  the  30,020  laborers  concerning  whom  data  as  to  skill  was  ob- 
tainable. 22,560  were  unskilled  and  only  7,460  were  skilled. 

\Yith  regard  to  sanitary  features :  353  out  of  876  camps  had  no 
baths,  114  camps  had  no  toilets,  364  had  filthy  toilets;  garbage  was 
strewn  about  the  camp  in  220  camps. 

595  camps  have  been  reinspected.  Tabulations  have  been  made  of 
228  of  these  reports.  72.3  per  cent  of  the  camps  have  been  brought 
up  to  at  least  the  minimum  standard,  and  77.1  per  cent  have  carried 
out  some  one  or  more  of  the  Commission's  suggestions. 

The  next  field  into  which  the  Commission  entered  was  that  of 
protecting  immigrants  from  exploitation.  As  I  have  stated,  the  Com- 
mission found  early  in  its  investigations  the  need  of  an  office  to  which 
immigrants  could  come  with  their  complaints  and  receive  sympathetic 
treatment  and  secure  justice.  In  April,  1914,  such  an  office  was 
opened  in  San  Francisco.  Posters  were  printed  in  twelve  languages, 
informing  immigrants  that  the  Commission  desired  them  to  bring  to  its 
office  their  stories  of  exploitation,  injustice  and  wrongs  of  every 
kind.  The  city  .was  placarded  with  these  posters.  An  attorney  was 
put  at  the  head  of  this  department,  and  an  expert  interpreter  employed. 
In  every  case  brought  to  the  office  investigators  examine  all  witnesses 
of  both  the  complainant  and  the  defendant  and  in  most  cases  an 

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informal  hearing  is  conducted  with  all  parties  present,  and  settlements 
or  adjustments  are  reached  in  nearly  every  case. 

Besides  handling  cases  brought  to  the  office,  independent  investi- 
gations into  fraudulent  schemes  are  conducted  by  the  investigators, 
and  the  Commission  found  that  it  had  to  branch  out  over  the  state  to 
reach  the  large  migratory  class  of  immigrants.  Consequently,  a  branch 
office  has  been  established  in  Sacramento  and  the  posters  have  been 
scattered  throughout  the  state. 

Up  to  August  11,  1915,  5091  cases  have  been  handled  by  this  de- 
partment. Tables  in  the  annual  report  show  the  nature  of  these  com- 
plaints in  detail,  and  their  disposition.  In  many  instances  it  has  been 
discovered  that  actual  crimes  have  been  committed  and  the  Commis- 
sion has  instituted  some  nineteen  criminal  proceedings,  acting  through 
its  attorney  and  special  prosecutor.  These  prosecutions  have  tended  to 
discourage  the  professional  immigrant  exploiters  and  they  have  done 
much  to  make  district  attorneys  and  other  officials  appreciate  the 
peculiar  problems  and  difficulties  of  the  immigrant,  whose  complaints 
they  were  formerly  wont  to  summarily  dismiss. 

The  thousands  of  cases  other  than  criminal  are  not  so  full  of 
dramatic  interest,  but  by  settling  them  the  Commission  secured  con- 
crete justice  for  the  wronged  individuals,  and  has  thereby  increased 
or  restored  the  faith  of  thousands  of  immigrants  in  our  American 
institutions.  To  give  some  conception  of  the  nature  of  these  com- 
plaints I  wish  to  briefly  outline  a  typical  land  fraud  case.  These  are 
most  common  and  are  the  most  serious  cases  brought  to  our  attention. 
There  is  probably  no  state  where  one  hears  more  of  the  "back-to-the- 
land"  movement  than  in  California,  and  there  is  certainly  no  state 
where  more  is  done  to  discourage  and  actually  defraud  the  man  who 
seeks  to  leave  the  city  and  go  back  to  the  land !  The  following  is  a 
typical  case  of  land  fraud : 

An  ignorant  Slavonian  while  residing  in  the  State  of 
Washington,  received  a  letter  from  a  real  estate  company 
in  San  Francisco.  The  letter  stated  that  the  company- 
understood  that  this  man  was  a  leader  in  the  Slavonian 
colony  and  that,  in  view  of  that  fact,  they  were  sending  an 
agent  to  call  upon  him  with  an  attractive  offer  of  a  fine 
city  lot  for  $27.50.  It  was  explained  that  this  offer  was 
made  in  order  that  he,  as  a  famous  man,  might  aid  in  ad- 
vertising the  company.  Later,  the  agent  called,  as  promised, 
and  represented  to  the  Slavonian  that  the  lot  offered  for 
sale  was  in  a  suburb  of  San  Francisco,  twenty  minutes  from 
the  center  of  the  city  and  on  a  five  cent  car  fare  line.  It 
was  represented  that  the  streets  were  laid  out  and  paved. 

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The  fare  to  San  Francisco  from  Washington  was  more  than 
$27.50,  so  that  the  Slavonian  decided  to  pay  without  going 
to  see  the  land. 

Upon  investigation,  the  Commission  found  that  this  com- 
pany has  sold  lots  to  nearly  100  immigrants  and  to  as  many 
American  citizens.  The  prices  varied  from  $27.50  to 
$250.00.  Two  agents  of  the  Commission  were  used  as  de- 
tectives to  investigate  the  case.  When  they  called  upon  the 
company  and  pretended  to  be  hunting  jobs  as  salesmen, 
the  manager  frankly  stated  the  scheme  was  fraudulent ;  that 
if  people  saw  the  land  they  would  never  buy  it.  These 
agents  tricked  the  manager  of  the  company  into  sending 
statements  of  this  nature,  as  well  as  other  fraudulent 
statements,  through  the  mail. 

The  land  was  investigated  and  found  to  be  an  unsur- 
veyed  tract  in  the  hills  two  hours  distant  from  San  Fran- 
cisco ;  the  railroad  fare  is  75c  for  round  trip.  The  Commis- 
sion sent  out  letters  to  all  purchasers  and  thus  succeeded 
in  obtaining  over  forty  fraudulent  letters  mailed  out  by  the 
company  to  innocent  purchasers. 

The  case  was  taken  up  with  the  Federal  postoffice  au- 
thorities and  all  the  members  of  the  company  were  arrested 
charged  with  using  the  mails  to  defraud.  They  were  held 
guilty  by  the  committing  magistrate  and  are  now  awaiting 
trial. 

In  the  field  of  housing  the  Commission  has  accomplished  some 
tangible  results  and  has  laid  the  foundation  for  a  general  housing  re- 
form movement  throughout  the  state.  One  or  two  inspectors  have 
been  constantly  employed  making  general  and  intensive  surveys  of 
the  housing  conditions  in  San  Francisco,  Los  Angeles,  Sacramento, 
Fresno,  Bakersfield,  Stockton  and  Oakland.  It  has  been  discovered 
that  the  existing  tenement  and  lodging  house  laws  are  not  enforced 
at  all  in  some  cities,  and  laxly  enforced  in  others ;  that  local  housing 
ordinances  are  weak  and  never  enforced;  that  the  real  housing  pro- 
blems is  to  be  found  in  the  single  dwellings  and  shacks,  and  that  no 
state  or  local  law  governs  that  class  of  buildings.  Reports  of  the 
investigations  have  been  given  publicly  and  some  good  has  resulted. 
The  Commission  was  instrumental  in  having  two  tenement  house  in- 
spectors appointed  in  San  Francisco,  where  there  had  been  no  attempt 
to  enforce  the  law.  In  Sacramento  two  desperate  attempts  were 
made  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  local  ordinance  to  deal  with  the  single 
dwelling  problem — which  is  serious.  The  Commission  was  not  good 
enough  at  politics  to  succeed,  but  undoubtedly  the  newspaper  publicity 
awakened  the  public  conscience  somewhat.  In  the  other  cities  the 

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Commission  has  cooperated  with  the  local  health  authorities  in  calling 
violations  of  the  housing  laws  to  their  attention. 

The  Commission  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  have  the  in- 
adequate state  hotel  and  lodging  house  law  amended  and  to  have  a 
state  law  enacted  to  regulate  single  dwellings.  But  it  was  successful 
in  having  the  state  Tenement  House  Law  amended  so  as  to  give  this 
Commission  power  to  enforce  the  law  where  the  local  authorities  fail 
to  do  so. 

In  the  way  of  future  accomplishments,  tentative  arrangements  have 
been  made  with  several  cities  to  institute  a  housing  conference  to  be 
made  up  of  city  and  state  delegates.  -  This  conference  will  meet  at 
regular  intervals  during  the  next  eighteen  months  and  draft  a  com- 
plete housing  code  or  law  for  the  State.  The  reports  of  the  Com- 
mission on  the  conditions  in  the  various  cities  will  be  used  as  a  basis 
for  working  out  the  new  law,  and  any  recalcitrant  city,  which  claims 
that  it  has  no  bad  conditions  and  needs  no  law,  can  be  brought  to  time 
by  the  publication  of  these  reports.  In  fact  we  can  indulge  in  a  highly 
cultivated  form  of  blackmail. 

In  order  to  visualize  the  housing  problem  and  to  arouse  the  people 
generally  to  an  appreciation  of  its  seriousness,  a  complete  housing  ex- 
hibit has  been  assembled.  In  this  exhibit  is  shown  not  only  the  bad 
housing  conditions  prevailing  in  this  state,  but  also  the  good  housing 
conditions  here  and  elsewhere.  Photographs  and  figures  have  been 
carefully  collected  in  the  East  and  in  Europe  which  illustrate  the  ad- 
vantages and  praticability  of  good  housing.  Likewise,  an  exhibit 
showing  good  and  bad  conditions  in  labor  camps  have  been  added  to 
this.  These  exhibits  will  be  taken  from  town  to  town  and  used  in 
connection  with  lectures  to  inspire  the  people  generally  to  demand 
better  legislation  and  stricter  enforcement.  Moreover  it  will  be  used 
in  an  attempt  to  encourage  the  cities  to  establish  city  planning  com- 
missions under  the  new  law,  and  to  make  some  provision  for  planning 
ahead  for  better  housing.  It  is  the  hope  of  the  Commission  that  it 
can  go  into  the  very  fundamentals  of  housing  and  develop  prevention 
rather  than  correction. 

The  work  of  the  Commission  which  I  have  described  so  far,  has 
been  concerned  more  with  the  environment  of  the  immigrant  than  with 
the  immigrant  himself.  But  the  Commission  has  not  failed  to  appre- 
ciate the  importance  of  educating  and  developing  the  immigrant.  It 
realizes  that  perhaps  the  most  constructive  feature  of  the  task  of 
bringing  about  immigrant  assimilation  is  to  be  found  in  the  general 
education  of  immigrants.  But  the  problem  of  educating  adult  immi- 
grants is  a  large  one,  involving  numerous  technical  educational  details 
which  require  careful  study;  therefore,  the  Commission  has  refrained 

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from  advocating  hastily  planned  systems  or  schemes.  In  the  course 
of  the  work  in  the  labor  camps  and  elsewhere,  valuable  statistics  con- 
cerning the  educational  needs  of  immigrants  have  been  collected,  and 
after  a  year  of  study  the  Commission  is  now  ready  to  launch  a  definite 
program  for  citizenship  training  and  general  education  of  immigrants. 
The  support  of  the  State  Board  of  Education  in  carrying  out  this  pro- 
gram has  already  been  pledged,  and  the  Federated  Womens  Clubs  of 
the  State  have  agreed  to  throw  their  whole  strength  into  the  move- 
ment. Pamphlets  will  soon  be  published  and  a  regular  campaign  in- 
stituted throughout  the  State  to  compel  action  in  this  important  and 
long  neglected  field. 

Only  one  definite  educational  plan  has  been  crystalized  by  the  Com- 
mission, and  that  is  in  the  form  of  a  law  providing  for  home  teachers. 
This  law  was  draughted  by  the  Commission  and  passed  by  the  recent 
Legislature. 

The  immigrant  mother  who  does  not  speak  English  is  even  more  i 
helpless  than  the  man,  for  even  his  failures  give  him  education  and 
slowly  help  him  to  adjust  himself  to  the  new  life.    With  the  woman  in  , 
her  home  there  are  few  points  of  contact  with  educational  opportunity.  ! 
The  Americanization  of  the  children  in  the  public  schools  often  adds 
to  her  difficulties.    The  child  takes  command  of  the  home  and  becomes 
ashamed  of  the  mother.    By  statistics  it  was  found  that  this  is  adding 
to  delinquency  and  filling  the  juvenile  courts.    The  quickest  and  surest 
way  of  dealing  with  the  problem  is  by  educating  the  mother  in  our 
language,  our  laws  and  our  standards  of  living.     For  this  purpose  it  is 
necessary  to  provide  visiting  teachers  who  will,  as  rapidly  as  possible, 
connect  these  mothers  with  the  public  schools  and  our  civic  life,  and 
the  new  law  provides  for  such  teachers. 

There  is  much  else  of  a  miscellaneous  nature  that  the  Commission 
has  done  which  we  cannot  take  up  here  in  detail.  I  wish  to  refer 
briefly  to  only  two  other  definite  accomplishments — legislation  draught- 
ed by  the  Commission,  and  the  investigations  and  reports  on  unem- 
ployment. 

The  amendments  of  the  labor  camp  sanitation  and  tenement  house 
laws,  and  the  enactment  of  the  home  teacher  law  have  already  been 
referred  to.  Two  other  laws  draughted  by  the  Commission  were  also 
passed  by  the  1915  Legislature.  One  provides  for  the  establishment 
of  "zones"  on  docks  where  immigrants  are  landed,  such  "zones"  to 
be  under  the  control  of  this  Commission,  and  only  such  persons  as 
have  permits  from  the  Commission  will  be  allowed  to  enter  this  ter- 
ritory. In  this  way  it  is  hoped  to  keep  the  professional  immigrant  ex- 
ploiter away  from  his  prey.  The  other  law  is  a  special  code  provision 
covering  fraudulent  land  sales  and  making  it  a  criminal  offense  to 

75 


make  or  publish  an  untrue  or  misleading  statement  concerning  real 
estate.  The  Commission  plans  to  cooperate  with  local  officials  in  en- 
forcing this  law,  and  so  hopes  to  discourage  land  fraud  and  encourage 
the  "back-to-the-land"  movement. 

Finally  I  would  call  your  attention  to  the  efforts  made  by  the  Com- 
mission to  carry  out  the  following  directions  contained  in  Section  5 
of  the  organic  act :  "The  Commission  shall  devise  and  carry  out  such 
suitable  methods  as  will  tend  to  prevent  or  relieve  congestion  and 
obviate  unemployment."  The  problem  of  immigration,  in  its  most 
fundamental  aspect,  is  almost  identical  with  that  of  employment  and 
its  corollary,  unemployment.  Therefore,  the  general  work  and  investi- 
gations of  the  Commission  threw  many  sidelights  upon  the  unemploy- 
ment question.  But  separate  and  entirely  distinct  investigations  into 
this  problem  were  begun  in  February,  1914,  at  the  request  of  the 
Governor. 

The  United  States  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations  requested 
this  Commission  to  act  as  its  agent  in  these  investigations,  and  con- 
tributed a  generous  amount  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  work.  In 
December,  1914,  the  report  of  these  investigations  was  made  to  the 
Governor  and  certain  recommendations  were  embodied  therein.  This 
report  has  been  printed  and  copies  can  be  obtained  by  applying  to  the 
office  of  the  Commission.  Some  of  the  recommendations  were  en- 
dorsed by  the  Governor  and  acted  upon  by  the  Legislature. 

During  the  past  winter  the  Commission  was  also  directed  by  the 
Governor  to  represent  the  State  in  attempting  to  meet  the  more  imme- 
diate unemployment  problem — that  of  relief  for  the  destitute  un- 
employed. The  state  could  not  furnish  direct  aid  or  relief,  there- 
fore, the  Commission  devoted  its  energies  to  devising  a  plan  of 
relief  for  cities,  and  to  encouraging  the  local  governments  to  adopt  this 
uniform  plan.  The  cities  responded  well  and  the  benefits  of  uniformity 
of  action  have  been  acknowledged.  A  short  report  of  this  particular 
work  has  been  printed  and  we  shall  gladly  send  copies  free  upon 
request. 

In  conclusion,  I  trust  you  will  not  pass  final  judgment  upon  the 
Commission  and  its  work  until  after  you  have  carefully  read  its  various 
reports.  This  short  resume  is  meant  to  arouse  interest  only,  and  we 
invite  your  inquiries  concerning  the  details  of  our  work. 


76 


The  Literary  Test 


B\  Hon.  }[7illiam  Kent,  Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 

from  California. 


Note.  Due  to  the  pressure  of  official  business,  Mr.  Kent  was  unable  to 
discuss  the  literacy  test  at  the  Congress.  The  following-  address  delivered  in 
Washington  expresses  his  views  on  the  sub.iect. 

Mr.  Kent.  If  it  were  possible  to  select  immigrants  in  the  line  of 
the  most  enlightened  policy,  I  should  favor  selecting  them  from  na- 
tions that  are  most  likely  to  blend  in  with  our  social  system  and  to  ap- 
preciate our  democratic  ideals — people  whose  history  has  shown  them 
to  be  inherently  capable  of  self-government.  Personally,  I  should 
vastly  prefer,  as  an  immigrant,  an  illiterate  from  one  of  these  nations^ 
to  the  best  educated  Hindoo  or  Turk — this,  as  a  national  matter  and 
not  on  the  ground  of  any  personal  prejudice. 

But  as  one  means  of  curbing  the  introduction  of  more  immigrants 
than  our  national  digestion  can  assimilate,  I  shall  gladly  vote  for  the 
literacy  test.  There  is  one  argument  for  this  test  that  justifies  its  ap- 
plication. It  is  the  ignorance  of  our  foreign  immigrants  that  has  been 
chiefly  responsible  for  their  exploitation.  Those  capable  of  passing  a 
literacy  test  would  be  less  likely  to  lie  down  under  the  conditions  that 
have  been  shown  to  exist  in  some  of  our  centers  of  hothouse  industry. 

Another  point  was  raised  here  about  the  influence  of  immigrants 
on  the  cost  of  living.  ,  There,  is  no  question  in  the  world  but  what 
the  bad  distribution  of  population,  especially  the  increase  in  the  cities, 
is  largely  responsible  for  the  increased  cost  of  food.     There  are  too  \>- 
many  peo^le__eating^ancl  too  few  people  producing  food.     Inasmuch^ 
as  a  vast  proportion  of  our  immigration  lodges  in  the   cities,  those 
immigrants  certainly  have  a  great  influence  on  the  cost  of  living  as 
found  in  the  prices  of  food. 

The  tremendous  and  ultimate  importance  of  the  food  supply  is 
shown  in  the  history  of  the  ancient  city  nations  which  went  to  pieces 
from  the  fact  of  their  being  forced  to  seek  food  supplies  by  war,  to 
introduce  oppression  and  slavery  that  overgrown  cities  might  be  fed. 

Mr.  Kent.  I  can  not  for  a  moment  indorse  the  exemption  proposed 
in  this  bill,  which  provides  that  those  fleeing  from  religious  persecu- 
tion shall  not  be  subject  to  a  literacy  test.  It  is  illogical  and  inherently 
contrary  to  good  public  policy.  We  are  either  legislating  for  foreigners 
or  for  our  own  country.  It  is  fair  to  assume  that  we  are  true  to  our 
oaths  of  office  and  are  legislating  for  this  Nation.  We  are  proposing 
a  test  that  is  supposedly  for  our  own  interest.  If  a  person  under  this 
test  is  unfit  for  admission  to  this  country,  or  if,  to  put  it  more  mildly, 
we  do  not  believe  it  good  public  policy  to  admit  such  a  person,  it  is 

77 


hard  to  understand  why  one  who  has  failed  to  pass  the  literacy  test 
should  be  rendered  available  for  admission  by  the  mere  fact  of  having 
been  subject  to  religious  persecution.  Either  in  this  particular  case  we 
are  not  exercising  our  function  of  legislating  for  our  own  country, 
but  rather  in  the  interests  of  certain  foreigners,  or  else  religious  per- 
secution must  produce  civic  effects  of  which  we  have  as  up-to-date 
remained  in  ignorance.  It  is  more  than  probable  under  such  an  ex- 
emption as  is  here  proposed,  that  thousands  upon  thousands  of  Turks 
would  knock  at  our  doors,  claiming  right  to  admission  on  the  ground 
of  religious  persecution  by  the  victorious  Servians,  Bulgarians,  Greeks, 
and  Montenegrins.  It  is  also  highly  probable  that  many  thousands  of 
Turks  will  cross  over  into  Asia  Minor  and  there  will  proceed  to  com- 
'mit  new  atrocities  upon  the  Armenians,  who  will  have  an  added  reason 
for  demanding  admission  to  our  country  on  the  ground  of  being  sub- 
ject to  religious  persecution. 

Xo  amount  of  oratory,  no  amount  of  appeal  to  the  early  history  of 
our  country,  can  overcome  the  cold  logic  of  this  proposition.     It  seems 
to  me  impossible  that  any  person  can,  in  calm  judgment,  pretend  that'j" 
religious  persecution  of  itself  can  render  eligible  for  admission  to  the 
privileges  of  this  Nation,  those  found  by  other  tests  to  be  unfit. 


Immigration  Bill 


February  2,  1914. 


The  House  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
had  under  consideration  the  bill  (H.  R.  6060)  to  regulate  the  immigration  of 
aliens  to,  and  the  residence  of  aliens  in  the  United  States,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

We  in  this  country  have  a  choice  of  two  things.  We  can  either  act 
as  a  lighthouse  or  as  a  dumping  ground.  We  can  either  work  out  the 
problem  of  democracy  amongst  the  fit  or  we  can  say  that  we  are  willing 
to  be  flooded  by  the  world  and  take  our  chances  in  the  great  world 
struggle.  We  can  not  digest  all  population  that  may  come  to  .this 
country  under  a  policy  of  unrestricted  immigration.  We  can  not  ac- 
cept the  dogma  of  the  orthodox  socialist,  that  every  man  has  a  right 
to  go  anywhere  on  the  face  of  the  earth  that  he  chooses  and  there 
settle.  We  who  are  here  owe  our  democracy  to  selected  races.  We 
owe  our  democracy  to  races  that  have  long  struggled  for  constitutional 
liberty  and  who  knows  what  it  means.  Therefore  I  say  that,  in  my 
opinion  at  least,  it  is  necessary  that  we  carefully  select  our  citizenship. 
It  is,  more  than  that,  necessary  for  democracy  that  all  of  the  people 
who  are  in  our  country,  whatever  their  avocations  may  be,  should  be 
a  part  of  the  electorate.  We  do  not  want  a  man  who  does  not  vote 

78 


to  dig  sewers  and  lay  track,  to  black  shoes,  or  to  perform  any  other 
service,  high  or  low.  Our  duty  today  is  to  see  to  it  that  the  work  that 
is  called  dirty  work  is  made  sufficiently  dignified  work  for  our  children 
to  perform. 

We  know  perfectly  well  that  the  resources  of  the  world  are  not  inex- 
haustible. There  was  a  time  not  long  ago  when  our  people  believed 
that  the  timber  resources  of  this  country  were  inexhaustible,  and  so  we 
slaughtered  and  murdered  our  timber,  and  we  are  now  coming  to  the 
end  of  that  resource. 

It  is  just  as  idle  to  say  that  the  land  of  this  country  is  inexhaustible. 
We  know  perfectly  well  that  the  best  land  has  already  been  taken  up. 
We  know  perfectly  well  that  if  we  become  as  thickly  populated  as  some 
of  the  old  countries  we  will  have  misery  at  our  doors  and  lack  of  food 
and  will  be  struggling  for  existence.  Until  we  go  ahead  and  by  scienti- 
fic investigation  find  out  better  means  of  intensive  agriculture,  find  out 
better  means  of  supplying  food  to  our  people,  find  out  better  means  of 
distribution  among  our  people,  find  out  where  they  can  work  more  pro- 
fitably, where  they  can  work  under  better  circumstances,  we  had  better 
cut  off  this  immigration  in  every  way  in  our  power.  I  for  my  part  would  \ 
like  immigration  stopped  until  we  can  settle  our  own  struggles  amongst  / 
ourselves  and  create  better  conditions  for  the  people  now  within  our 
borders.  That  not  being  feasible,  we  must  look  to  some  means  of 
restriction,  and  in  this  literacy  test  I  can  see  a  means  which,  although 
not  perfect,  it  is  easy  to  argue  against  on  sentimental  grounds,  yet  at 
the  same  time  has  much  to  commend  it.  The  people  in  our  country 
who  are  most  exploited,  who  are  most  abused,  who  furnish  the  most 
horrible  example  of  what  democracy  ought  not  to  be,  are  the  people  who 
from  lack  of  education  are  most  easily  subject  to  oppression,  and  there- 
fore, pending  other  and  better  measures,  pending  a  bill  that  might  be 
all  wise,  I  stand  for  this  literacy  test,  knowing  that  it  is  not  complete, 
knowing  all  the  arguments  that  can  be  made  against  it,  having  great 
sympathy  with  those  who  stand  against  it.  At  the  same  time,  in  the 
interest  of  all  our  people,  I  believe  that  this  is  about  as  good  a  test  as 
has  been  suggested,  and  I  believe  that  it  is  one  that  at  the  present  time 
we  would  do  well  to  adopt. 


Report  of  Committee  on  Resolutions 


Whereas,  There  is  being  created  a  new  Orient  equipped  with  the 
machinery  and  ideas  of  modern  civilization  and  alert  to  the  demands 
of  the  modern  world,  and 

79 


Whereas,  There  has  existed  and  still  exists  between  the  United 
States  and  all  the  nations  of  the  Orient  a  deep  and  abiding  feeling  of 
good  will  and  neighborliness,  and 

Whereas,  It  is  the  evident  desire  of  all  good  Americans  to  per- 
petuate the  present  state  of  amity  and  good  understanding  through  a 
just  treatment  of  all  races,  therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  this  International  Immigration  Congress  urge  upon 
Congress  and  upon  the  people  of  the  United  States,  the  importance 
of  adopting  an  Oriental  policy,  the  fundamental  principle  of  which 
shall  be  the  just  and  equitable  treatment  of  all  races,  and  to  this  end 
suggest  that  the  entire  immigration  problem  be  taken  up  at  an  early 
date,  providing  for  comprehensive  legislation  covering  all  phases  of  the 
question  (such  as  the  limitation  of  immigration  and  the  registration, 
distribution,  employment,  education,  and  naturalization  of  immigrants), 
in  such  a  way  as  to  conserve  American  institutions ;  to  protect  Amer- 
ican labor  from  dangerous  economic  competition  and  to  promote  an 
intelligent  and  enduring  friendliness  among  the  peoples  of  all  nations. 

Whereas,  The  new  conditions,  arising  from  the  changed  order  due 
to  the  present  war,  will  require  a  thorough  reconsideration  of  the  sub- 
ject of  immigration  and  the  data  pertaining  thereto,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  urge  upon  the  Federal  Government  the  necessity 
of  an  International  conference  of  the  officials  of  different  Nations  as 
soon  as  feasible  to  consider  the  whole  subject  of  immigration. 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  endorse  the  action  of  the  Federal 
Bureau  of  Immigration  in  ordering  that  all  women  held  on  warrant 
charges  shall  be  placed  in  the  custody  of  women  officers,  and  placed 
in  institutions,  preferably  of  their  own  religion  and  nationality,  in- 
stead of  in  the  jail,  pending  trial,  and  that  we  express  our  apprecia- 
tion of  this  effort  on  the  part  of  the  officers  in  humanizing  the  law  in 
dealing  with  this  class. 

Resolved,  That  we  believe  that  the  conference  which  is  being  con- 
ducted by  the  Federal  immigration  officials  in  this  city,  dealing  with 
the  questions  of  employment  and  immigration,  will  be  of  great  value 
in  coordinating  the  activities  of  the  Federal  Government  with  those 
of  the  state  and  municipality,  and  we  express  our  appreciation  to 
Secretary  of  Labor  Wilson,  and  to  Commissioner-General  Caminetti, 
for  having  arranged  for  this  conference. 

DR.  H.  H.  GUY, 
PROF.  G.  S.  SUMNER, 
DR.  Y.  ICHIHASHI, 
PROF.  IRA  B.  CROSS, 
MR.  T.  K.  II  WAN.;. 

80 


WW,™ 

OVERDUE. 


